The USS Carl VInson Delivers: Fuel

11/05/2021

By MC1 Tyler Fraser, USS Carl Vinson 

PHILIPPINE SEA – Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) conducted a fueling-at-sea (FAS) with Ticonderoga-class guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Champlain (CG 57), Sept. 17, delivering more than 150,000 gallons of fuel and setting a milestone of more than 1 million gallons delivered to other ships since January.

Vinson refueled nine different ships, including destroyers, cruisers and littoral combat ships, during 15 separate FAS evolutions.

“Although carriers have the capability to deliver fuel to ships using their FAS rig, it is normally for certification only,” said Lt. Cmdr. David Roach, Vinson’s first lieutenant. “One million gallons is a typical amount of fuel if we were a fleet oiler, but for an aircraft carrier, it is not.”

At-sea fueling operations enable ships to continue their mission without pulling into port for fuel.

Capt. P. Scott Miller, Vinson’s commanding officer, said FAS keeps assets on station longer, keeping them in the fight.

“It is vital that our assets are ready to conduct any required mission in support of peace and stability throughout the Indo-Pacific,” said Miller. “Successfully conducting FAS operations to this degree speaks volumes to the capability and proficiency of our Sailors. It also demonstrates the operational readiness of our strike group and our commitment to our network of allies and partners in the region. Fueling-at-sea keeps ships on station and puts our jets in the air, ensuring we can continue to fly, sail and operate wherever international law allows.”

Chief Warrant Officer Mae Lazo, Vinson’s bos’n, said fueling evolutions are no small feat and require coordination across multiple departments.

“To make this evolution happen is a ship-wide affair,” said Lazo. “It requires careful planning among the aviation boatswain’s mates (fuels) in air department, boatswain’s mates in deck department, electrician’s mates and machinist’s mates in engineering department and Sailors on the bridge with the navigation department.”

In addition to coordination among the carrier’s crew, Destroyer Squadron (DESRON) 1 led planning and coordination for many of the ships receiving fuel.

“Fueling at sea ensures our destroyers, cruisers and littoral combat ships maintain a high level of warfighting readiness and sustain operations underway where our ships are most needed,” said Capt. Gilbert Clark, DESRON 1’s commodore. “Our continued at sea presence in the Indo-Pacific region promotes security and stability, which in turn drive the peace and prosperity that benefit all regional countries.”

FAS was first developed around 1900 for transferring coal and was perfected by the U.S. Navy in the 1920s and 1930s. For transferring liquids such as fuel, ships pull alongside each other with the receiving ship pulling alongside the supplier at a distance of approximately 30 yards. A gunline, pneumatic line thrower, or shot line is fired from the supplier, which is used to pull across a messenger line. This line is used to pull across other equipment such as a distance line, phone line, and the transfer rig lines. These rigs are then used to transfer fuel between the ships.

The Carl Vinson Carrier Strike Group (VINCSG) is led by Carrier Strike Group (CSG) 1 and includes Vinson, embarked Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 2, embarked staffs of CSG 1 and Destroyer Squadron (DESRON) 1, Ticonderoga-class guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Champlain (CG 57) and Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Chafee (DDG 90).

VINCSG’s multiplatform team of ships, aircraft and more than 7,000 Sailors is capable of carrying out a wide variety of missions around the globe. VINCSG is deployed to the U.S. 7th Fleet area of operations in support of a free and open Indo-Pacific region. U.S. 7th Fleet conducts forward-deployed naval operations in support of U.S. national interests in the Indo-Pacific area of operations. As the U.S. Navy’s largest forward-deployed fleet, 7th Fleet interacts with other maritime nations to build partnerships that foster maritime security, promote stability and prevent conflict.

This article was published on September 20, 2021 by the U.S. Navy.

Featured Photo: The aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) conducts a fueling-at-sea with guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Champlain (CG 57) in the Philippine Sea, Sept. 17. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist Seaman Mason Congleton)

VMFA-211 Flies Cross-Deck Mission

U.S. Marine Corps Pilots Maj Brian Kimmins and Capt Craig Turner prepares to launch an F-35B from HMS Queen Elizabeth in the Pacific Ocean on August 20, 2021.

The operation highlighted the interoperability of the F-35B and the strategic importance of the joint integration between the United Kingdom Carrier Strike Group and the U.S. Navy Amphibious Ready Group / Marine Expeditionary Unit.

This mission was the first time in modern history the United States has cross-decked aircraft for a mission utilizing a foreign aircraft carrier, demonstrating naval partnerships in action.

(Royal Navy Videography by POPhot Jay Allen)

VMFA-211 Operating in the South China Sea Aboard HMS Queen Elizabeth

11/03/2021

US Marines with Marine Fighter Attack Squadron 211 flying F-35B Lightning II’s conduct routine operations aboard HMS Queen Elizabeth while she conducts a double replenishment with RFA Tidespring and HNLMS Evertsen in the South China Sea on 29 July, 2021.

VMFA-211 is attached to the United Kingdom’s Carrier Strike Group 21, a UK-led international strike group including support from the U.S. Navy Arleigh Burke guided-missile destroyer USS The Sullivans (DDG 68) and The Royal Netherlands Navy HNLMS Evertsen.

07.29.2021

3rd Marine Aircraft Wing

The Bras de Fer of Bo Jo and Macron

11/02/2021

By Pierre Tran

Paris – Britain and France, once close friends and military allies, are at each other’s throat.

The cultural approach of the British is pragmatism, while the archetypal French character is the intellectual.

A sample of both those qualities may be what is needed to defuse the tension, but it remains to be seen whether such a concoction will be found or even wanted.

British prime minister Boris Johnson and French president Emmanuel Macron may say how much they admire each other’s country, and yet the airwaves have been crackling with threats of legal recourse, acts of retaliation, and the need to meet crisis deadline.

There is a weighty list of grievances, which just does not go away. Where does one start?

– There is the French claim for a fair share of fishery rights in British territorial waters around the islands of Jersey and Guernsey in the Channel;

– Border control of trade between Northern Ireland, which is part of the United Kingdom, and the Republic of Ireland, which is a member of the European Union;

– Control of illegal immigrants crossing the Channel in attempts to enter the UK;

– And a deep pool of French resentment over being ejected from a prospective multi-billion euro program to design and build conventional attack submarines for the Australian navy.

Even if one of the points of contention were resolved, it looks likely the bitter tone of relations between London and Paris will drag on for some time.

One of the reasons each side likes to lambast the other is the perceived need to deflect domestic discontent — shortage of truck drivers in the UK or immigration concerns in France – by holding up the wretch on the other side of the Channel as the cause of concern.

Johnson and Macron may well have been in Rome over the weekend for the Group of 20 meeting of world political leaders, but the bitter dispute over the French call for British licenses for small French fishing boats hogged UK headlines and social platforms.

As the COP 26 UN climate change conference opened on Monday in Glasgow, Scotland, there was the UK imposing a 48-hour deadline for Paris to agree a deal on the fishing licences or face the anger of London in the courts of European law.

That had been the UK’s reaction to a French threat that as of Monday midnight there would be tighter border checks and British fishing boats would be banned from entering certain key French ports, a threat which Macron suspended by 24 hours to give more time for talks with Britain to defuse the fisheries dispute.

Relations between France and the UK are at a new low in response to Australia’s cancellation of a French project for a fleet of attack submarines, due to a deal with the UK and the US for a nuclear-powered boat.

That strain on the military front can be seen in France holding off the signing of a memorandum of understanding for work with the UK on a planned future cruise and anti-ship weapon, business website La Tribune reported Oct. 4.

The French defense minister, Florence Parly, called off a Sept. 23 meeting with her British counterpart, Ben Wallace. The two ministers would have signed the MoU, opening up the way for the assessment phase, the next step in the bilateral missile project.

European missile maker MBDA has completed the €100 million ($116 million) concept phase on the FC/ASW missile, which will replace the UK Storm Shadow and French Scalp cruise missiles, and Exocet and Boeing Harpoon anti-ship weapons.

MBDA is a joint venture held by Airbus (37.5 percent), BAE Systems (37.5 percent) and Leonardo (25 percent).

The political friction between Britain and France hitting MBDA points up a certain irony. It was the green light from London and Paris of a joint cruise missile program which led to the 1996 creation of the Anglo-French joint venture Matra BAe Dynamics, forerunner to MBDA, the core of European missile building.

It remains to be seen whether and when France regains appetite for cooperation with the UK on that missile project, one of the deals cited in the 2010 Lancaster House treaty, a bilateral agreement on close industrial and military cooperation.

That deterioration in cross-Channel relations can be tied to the Brexit move and an effective puncturing of political goodwill. Macron is an easy target for the UK conservative media outlets, while British politicians point up his need to prop up public opinion with the French elections due in April.

There is also anger in Paris with Canberra, stemming from the surprise announcement of an Australia, UK and U.S. alliance, dubbed AUKUS.

A core part of that exclusive coalition is the switch by Australian prime minister Scott Morrison to a future Australian fleet of nuclear-powered attack submarines based on British and U.S. technology, and dropping the French warship builder Naval Group, which had been working on a plan to design and build an Australian diesel-electric boat, dubbed Shortfin Barracuda.

The depth of Gallic ire can be seen in Macron telling Australian reporters on Sunday night on the sidelines of the G20 meeting that Morrison had allegedly lied when he said he had told  Macron on the change of direction on the submarine program.

That open display of French presidential accusation of Australian falsehood was in contrast to U.S. president Joe Biden admitting that there had been room for improvement on announcing the AUKUS deal and the cancellation of the French boats.

“What we did was clumsy,” Biden said Oct. 29 after meeting Macron at the French embassy in Rome. “I was under the impression that France had been informed long before that the deal was not going through, honest to God.”

Increased U.S. support for French military operations in the sub-Saharan Sahel region, increased European defense autonomy, and greater clarity on U.S. authorization of arms exports under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) were among the U.S. pledges for better relations with France in the wake of AUKUS.

France has struggled with delivering weapons such as SCALP cruise missiles to export clients  due to problems of securing ITAR clearance for U.S. components.

Emmanuel Macron, left, with Boris Johnson in Rome on October 31, 2021 © Guglielmo Mangiapane/Reuters

IDF’s Exercise Blue Flag, 2021

11/01/2021

By the Australian Defence Business Review

The Israeli Defence Force (IDF) has hosted seven air forces at its biennial Exercise Blue Flag at Ovda Airbase near Eilat in southern Israel.

Blue Flag is described as an international training exercise hosting air forces from around the world to strengthen cooperation between the nations. This year, apart from F-16I, F-35I, and G550 AEW&C aircraft from the Israeli Air Force, the exercise included USAF F-16C/Ds from Germany, RAF Eurofighter Typhoons, Indian Air Force Mirage 2000s, Greek F-16C/Ds, Italian F-35As, and German Eurofighters.

Israeli F-16Is played the Red Force in the exercise, and were supported by an IDF Patriot SAM battery, and various emulators capable of simulating Russian S-75/SA-2, S-125/SA-3, 2K12/SA6, 9K33/SA-8 and Pantsir-S1/SA-22 SAM systems.

In an IAF release, IAF Commander, Maj Gen Amikam Norkin said, “This exercise is ground-breaking in terms of technology, quality of training, and the number of participating nations. It illustrates the partnership and strong bond between the nation’s air forces and acts as a stepping-stone toward regional and international cooperation.”

IAF officer Lt Col ‘E’ added, “The participants aren’t familiar with the airspace so we designed a gradual two-week-long training program. First, training scenarios designed to familiarise aircrew members with the airspace and its challenges will take place to allow for safe training in the days ahead.

“To start, each country will fly in separate formations and over time, we will begin flying in joint formations of different nations and platforms,” Lt Col ‘E’ added. “Also, we will perform singular training sessions with the aim of understanding the training ground and the aerial and ground forces it contains. Lastly, we will shift to air superiority situations, simulating various ground and aerial threats while completing varying operational missions.

“Due to the rise in the use of fifth-generation fighters around the world, this years’ Blue Flag exercise will also focus on combining them with other platforms in the battlefield. Air forces understand that, at least in the near future, they will not strictly operate fifth-gen aircraft, but also the older fourth-generation platforms.

“When planning the exercise, we tried to create heterogenic scenarios that combine different countries, squadrons, and generations. Fourth-generation aircraft will fly alongside fifth-generation aircraft in ways that utilize the relative advantages of each platform. Cooperation between different generation aircraft strongly enhances the power of an air force.”

The exercise marked the first deployment of British fighter squadron to Israel since the country was founded in 1947.

In a separate release, RAF 1Sqn commanding officer WgCdr John Cockroft said, “We are training to maintain and improve our performance and are honoured to be given this opportunity to learn as part of a multi-national audience. By training together, the UK, along with all of the other nations on Exercise Blue Flag, will continue to develop our relationships and understanding of how we fly and interact both in the air and on the ground.

“This multi-national training environment allows us to bring together different ideas and experiences and provides the opportunity to develop our tactics, techniques and procedures for the integration of the capabilities of our current and future aircraft.”

This article was written by Andrew McLaughlin and published by ADBR on October 27, 2021.

Featured photos: Credit: IDF

The lead photo is credited to the RAF.

And here is the RAF’s release on the exercise which was published on October 20, 2021:

An RAF detachment of Typhoon jets has joined units from several countries for a complex multi-national flying exercise designed to test aircrew skills to their limits.

The Typhoons from 1 (Fighter) SquadronRAF Lossiemouth, supported by personnel from across the Air Force, are training with aircraft from the US, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, India and Israel in Exercise Blue Flag 21.

Exercise Blue Flag is one of a series of international flying exercises for the RAF in recent months, pitching a variety of jets into scenarios where they will fly against and with each other to develop interoperability of both aircrew, aircraft and other systems.

The scenarios will see 1 Squadron Typhoons working with Luftwaffe Eurofighters, French Rafales, Indian Mirages, Greek F16s, Italian F35s, US F16s and Israeli F35s and F16s.

According to Wing Commander Cockroft, Officer Commanding 1 Squadron: “We are training to maintain and improve our performance and are honoured to be given this opportunity to learn as part of a multi-national audience.  By training together, the UK, along with all of the other nations on Exercise Blue Flag, will continue to develop our relationships and understanding of how we fly and interact both in the air and on the ground.”

The exercise, held at Ovda Airbase near Eilat, Israel, is the largest yet of a series of bi-annual exercises hosted by the Israeli Air Force.

Wing Commander Cockroft added: “This multi-national training environment allows us to bring together different ideas and experiences and provides the opportunity to develop our tactics, techniques and procedures for the integration of the capabilities of our current and future aircraft.”

Forward Air Controller Training: Summer Fury 21

A UH-1Y Venom with Marine Light Attack Helicopter Squadron 267, Marine Aircraft Group (MAG) 39, 3rd Marine Aircraft Wing (MAW) conducts live fire drills during Summer Fury 21 at the Chocolate Mountain Aerial Gunnery Range, Arizona, July 27, 2021.

During the Forward Air Controller (Airborne) (FAC(A)) Training evolution, MAG-39 conducted sorties to attain aircrew prerequisites for the Fall WTI class. Summer Fury is an exercise conducted by 3rd MAW in order to maintain and build capability, strength, and trust within its units to generate the readiness and lethality needed to deter and defeat adversaries during combat operations as the U.S. Marine Corps refines tactics and equipment in accordance with Force Design 2030.

HOCOLATE MOUNTAIN AERIAL GUNNERY RANGE, AZ, UNITED STATES

07.27.2021

Video by Cpl. Nicolas Atehortua

3rd Marine Aircraft Wing

UK Pacific Future Forum

10/29/2021

According to a UK Ministry of Defence article published on October 20, 2021, HMS Prince of Wales hosted the Pacific Future Forum.

The Royal Navy’s next generation aircraft carrier HMS Prince of Wales is hosting the international defence, security, trade and technology summit, the Pacific Future Forum (PFF).

PFF provides a platform for the UK to meet with allies and partners to drive collaboration with an eye toward resolving challenges of the future, from advances in technology and cyber to the impact of climate change.

Following the recent Atlantic Future Forums, this year’s conference theme looks eastwards and builds on the ambition outlined in the Integrated Review and Defence Command Paper to increase our presence and engagement in the Indo-Pacific.

Over the two-day summit, the comprehensive agenda includes expert panels and keynote speeches, to help foster deeper relations in the Indo-Pacific to support shared prosperity and regional stability, with stronger diplomatic and trading ties.

Attending the event, Defence Minister Jeremy Quin said:

“The Indo Pacific will soon represent over 40 per cent of global GDP and is increasingly important to the UK. Building on our strong partnership in the region is vital for long term security and prosperity.

“The Pacific Future Forum provides a fantastic platform to discuss the future and did so on board one of the Royal Navy’s fantastic platforms of the future

“As the joint largest and most technically advanced warship ever built for the Royal Navy, HMS Prince of Wales provides a great backdrop to showcase the best of British innovation in the defence and security sectors”

The Pacific Future Forum is a seminal moment to bring nations together, strengthen alliances and explore how we build a stronger, more united world. Key topics spread across the two days include handling the economic aftershock of COVID-19, harnessing new technologies to address climate change and the importance of defence and intelligence partnerships in the Pacific region.

The event comes as HMS Prince of Wales’ Carrier’s ship, HMS Queen Elizabeth, begins leading Carrier Strike Group back through the Indo-Pacific as she navigates the South China Sea with ships and aircraft from Australia, Canada, Japan, New Zealand, and the United States.

The busy period of military engagement in the Indo-Pacific has been mirrored by diplomatic progress. In a landmark moment, the UK became a Dialogue Partner of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 5 August, the first new country in 25 years. This comes as the UK and Japan announced that formal negotiations will begin this month to increase bilateral defence cooperation.

This also follows the recent ‘AUKUS’ partnership between the UK, US and Australia to enhance the development of joint capabilities and technology sharing to protect and defend our shared interests in the Indo-Pacific.

Re-shaping Forces for the High-End Fight: The Challenge of Overcoming the Legacy of the Land Wars

By Robbin Laird

With the return of the high-end fight, and the challenge of delivering tailored military capabilities to ensure escalation dominance in the maritime domain, a broadened focus on maneuver warfare in the maritime space has emerged. Distributed operations within a wider capability to integrate the force is a key focus of shaping a way ahead for the high-end fight and crisis management.

For North Atlantic defense, Second and Sixth fleets are working with the joint force and allies to shape distributed forces which can integrate to deal with various Russian threats, from the hybrid to the gray zone to high-end warfare. For the Pacific, the defense of the outer islands of Japan through to Guam to Australian defense provides the core defense zone from which power is projected into the areas where the Chinese are pushing out for greater influence and combat effects.

But for effective capability to leverage distributed operations to deliver an integrated effect is a work in progress. It is an art form which requires significant training as well as capabilities to deliver C2 at the tactical edge.

Connectivity among the pieces on the chessboard is required to provide for the kind of escalation dominance crisis to engage effectively in full spectrum crisis management. With the development of flexible multi-mission platforms, there is an ability to flex between offensive and defensive operations within the distributed battlespace. It is clearly challenging to operate such a force, delegate decision making at the tactical edge, but still be able to ensure strategic and area wide tactical decision-making.

The strategic thrust of integrating modern systems is to create a grid that can operate in an area as a seamless whole, able to strike or defend simultaneously.  This is enabled by the evolution of C2 and ISR systems. By shaping an evolving ISR enabled C2 systems inextricably intertwined with platforms and assets, which provide for kill web integratable forces, an attack and defense enterprise can operate to deter aggressors and adversaries or to conduct successful military operations.

With the Biden Administration’s Blitzkrieg withdrawal strategy, the curtain was drawn on the core commitment of the U.S. military to stability operations and counter-insurgency efforts in Afghanistan.  With this comes a significant historical shock – the U.S. military has been focused by its political masters on fighting a non-peer competitor and has built a force structure optimized for such operations.

But the Chinese and the Russians as peer competitors have not been focusing on Afghanistan or fighting what the U.S. military has been optimized for. This is a significant strategic disconnect which the U.S. military is working to correct.

This is a short- and long-term challenge. The world is not going to wait while the U.S. military goes into a long-term retooling.  As Secretary Wynne noted when discussing a military force twenty years out: “you already have 80% of that force today.”

But what if you have stockpiled equipment for stability operations and counter-insurgency and your Commander and Chief simply decides to end this effort, but now faces direct threats from China and Russia?

What do you do then? What are core war winning capabilities?

You have a military which has not really thought about nuclear weapons. They have not really focused on a major theater war.  They have not really integrated their forces for a high-end fight, During the land wars what passed for joint operations was what the services provided the U.S. Army leadership who dominated the definition and execution of joint operations. Now the maritime and air arms of the U.S. military clearly recognize the need to work force integration, but how they have done so for twenty years is not the same as fighting peer competitors.

Note this comment from the commander of the USS Carl Vinson strike group made this August.

“This is the first large-scale exercise held in decades and I am excited about the high-end integration of the carrier, and all that it brings, at sea,” said Capt. P. Scott Miller, Vinson’s commanding officer. “Carl Vinson and our embarked air wing are trained and ready to participate in the first Naval and amphibious large-scale exercise conducted since the Ocean Venture NATO exercises of the Cold War.”

To say that there is a disconnect between the force you have inherited and what you need to do today is certainly where one has to start. The United States has significant combat capability for the high-end fight, but unfortunately it resides in services that largely do Piaget’s notion of young children doing parallel play, rather than working together to achieve a combined result.

Force integration can be a key advantage for the United States if it can achieve it. The problem is that there is too much long-range “planning” for force integration for the future force. We will not get to that future unless we deliver enhanced capability in the short term.

A key way to do so is to ramp up efforts to integrate distributed forces packages which are more survivable but also integratability across the services with  the C2/ISR capabilities built into those force packages to deliver an aggregated effect. To be blunt, this is not about working the entire gamut of U.S. forces as an integrated force, for frankly, this is not within the ken of the current force and might never be.

But by focusing on force distribution, integrated modular task forces can be in the very short term.

But this requires focusing on the kind of C2 and ISR available within a modular task force tailored to combat wherever that task force is operating. By working integrated distributed force packages and operating as kill webs to train and fight in terms of joint or coalition aggregated effect, the adversaries face a force which is more survivable and more lethal across the spectrum of warfare. And you weed out of the equation those forces that simply not cannot operate this way.

Doing a self-blitzkrieg defeat is not a path to victory; getting on in the short term with more integrated USAF-US Navy-USMC and where appropriate U.S. Army force packages is.

And as the forces learn to do so, a path is opened to a broader strategy of force integratability.

The future is now; we don’t have time to what till the results are in for force structure redesign 2030, 2040 or 2050.