The King Stallion at WTI 1-25

04/02/2025

U.S. Marines assigned to Marine Aviation Weapons and Tactics Squadron One, Marine Operational Test and Evaluation Squadron One, and 2d Distribution Support Battalion Marines attached to 8th Engineer Support Battalion execute heavy lift of a tractor, rubber-tired, articulated steering, multi-purpose (TRAM) utilizing the CH-53K King Stallion as part of Weapons and Tactics Instructor course 1-25, at Auxiliary Airfield II, near Yuma, Arizona, Oct. 21, 2024.

WTI is a seven-week training event hosted by MAWTS-1 which emphasizes operational integration of the six functions of Marine aviation in support of the Marine Air Ground Task Force, Joint and Coalition Forces.

10.21.2024

Video by Cpl. Nicholas Johnson 

Marine Aviation Weapons and Tactics Squadron-1

European Defence Uptick: The View from the Defense Industries

04/01/2025

By Pierre Tran

Paris – Two European arms companies, KNDS France and MBDA, recently pointed up their hefty investment to boost production of cannon shells, artillery, and missiles, indicating a willingness to anticipate orders, and their access to extensive funds.

The willingness of those two privately held companies to invest in new plant and parts could be seen in contrast to companies listed on the stock exchange showing reluctance to build up weapon stocks until they win government orders.

That commitment to invest among some unlisted companies also shows how prime contractors have own funds and can tap bank loans and capital markets, while small and medium companies in the supply chain have struggled to find working capital, just to keep up with present orders.
State-owned KNDS France invested €600 million ($648 million) to ramp up production of its Caesar artillery and 155 mm 52 caliber shells from summer 2022, in expectation of orders from France and

European Allies

The scale of that €600 million investment by the KNDS French unit can be seen in the light of the KNDS group reporting March 27 2024 sales of €3.8 billion, up from €3.3 billion the previous year; orders of €11.2 billion, up from €7.8 billion; and an order book of €23.5 billion, up from €16 billion.

There was “satisfactory profitability in line with industry expectations,” the KNDS group said in a statement with the financial results.

KNDS is a Franco-German group comprising the family controlled KNDS Deutschland and KNDS France, with the head office in Amsterdam.

On the French unit’s investment of own-funds for the Caesar, contracts for 78 artillery systems eventually landed. Kyiv ordered six of the truck-mounted cannons in September 2023, with allies ordering the remaining 72, the weapons to be shipped to Ukraine in 2024 and early 2025.

MBDA said March last year the missile company would invest €2.4 billion between 2023-2028 to speed up production, in response to calls by France for higher productivity. That planned investment compared to 2024 sales of €4.9 billion, up from €4.5 billion in the previous year; orders of €13.8 billion, up from orders of €9.9 billion; and an order book of €37 billion, up from €28 billion.

MBDA is a private company jointly owned by Airbus, BAE Systems, and Leonardo, which are listed on European stock exchanges. Those parent companies would have had to approve the investment drive of the missile manufacturer, and the expected return.

Contracts First

French listed companies such as Thales have been ready to invest but have been waiting for arms contracts, a defense specialist said. The industrial workplace has lacked financing from the government to tool up.

For privately held companies such as KNDS France, there was a distinct political dynamic. The state ownership of the KNDS France unit might be seen as making it easier for managers to opt for raising production before government orders rolled in.

It remains to be seen whether KNDS’s readiness to build up stocks without orders will continue if the group completed a reported plan to list on the Frankfurt stock exchange, with prospective shareholders looking closely at capital expenditure and return on capital.

Meanwhile, MBDA has called for client nations to pool their orders for missiles.

There was a case to be made for discounts on joint orders, a second specialist said.

The pursuit of new weapons stems from French support for Ukraine in its fight against Russian forces, and a drive to build up low national stocks of arms, made more pressing from  what appears to be the Trump administration’s scorn for European allies.

“Collective buying” in the European Union made sense, Steven Everts, director of the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), a think tank, told March 26 the Anglo-American Press Association (AAPA).

The bulk of European spending on arms was at the national level and based on a sovereign decision, he said, but there was a case to be made for buying European-built equipment and on a collective basis.

The European Commission has pledged €1.5 billion for the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP) for 2025-2027, and there is the European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS), both seeking to support companies in the 27 E.U. member states.

“Let’s see how it goes,” he said.

Political Support

A political agenda was set with a June 2022 speech by President Emmanuel Macron at the Eurosatory trade show, when he said the Russian invasion of Ukraine meant France was moving to a war economy.

The armed forces minister, Sébastien Lecornu, followed that up by holding a September 2022 meeting with industry leaders, chiefs of staff, and the head of the DGA procurement office. The minister called on companies to build up stocks of raw material, and companies pledged to speed up deliveries.

However, companies quietly talked of a lack of orders, making the war economy more talk than a bankable walk.

It remained for Bercy, the finance ministry in modern buildings and a helicopter pad on the roof, to find the payment credits to make down-payments, and pay up when deliveries were made. Those payment credits came after authorizations were made, to allow an order to be placed – arguably the easy part.

“There were many statements, but no contracts,” the specialist said, from the industry point of view.

From the government’s view, there was “dialog” with industry to speed up the production cycle, the specialist said. But there was something of a structural problem, with Bercy holding the budget strings, deciding whether “to pay or not to pay.”

That problem stemmed from payment credits in the defense budget already committed to pay for programs under way. Those programs had to be paid for – and the payment credits could not be spent twice.

A shortfall between authorization and payment credits leads to a funding gap.

The significance of credit payments could be seen with Thales executive chairman Patrice Caine pointing up March 4 the importance of arms programs which ran for years over the life of multi-year budget laws. Even when orders related to Ukraine did land, such as a U.K. order worth £1.66 billion for Thales light missiles for Kyiv, they were of relatively little importance compared to the company’s overall order book, he said.

Thales reported a 2024 defense order book of €39 billion.

The 2024 financial results of the leading arms companies, listed and unlisted, showed orders have been made, and order books have hit highs.

But their suppliers are struggling.

New Funding

France has made efforts to raise fresh funds, with the March 20 announcement by the economy minister, Eric Lombard, and Lecornu of new measures to invest in the French defense industrial and technological base.

The ministers launched a €450 million fund, with the state-backed bank Bpifrance offering  the French public a way personally to invest €500 in the arms industry.

Lombard also launched a plan to raise €5 billion from public and private funding, to be invested in the some 4,000 small and medium companies in the military sector, where many owners are struggling with a weak capital base and low cash holdings.

Those companies would need a further €1 billion-€3 billion of equity in the next few years, as France planned to boost spending on arms, he said.
Public investors could invest €1.7 billion of capital, he said, which would be boosted by private investors, to raise up to €5 billion to invest in companies in the arms industry.

That public-private funding for weapons is seen as all the more needed, as the French 2024 public sector budget deficit rose to 5.8 pct of economic output, up from 5.4 pct in 2023. The E.U. ceiling for the deficit is 3 pct.

More generally, rising trade tension from Washington toward the European Union has highlighted a perceived need to boost European industrial capability, with calls for ordering European-built arms rather than U.S. kit.

European stock markets fell sharply March 27 after U.S. president Donald Trump said the day before that the U.S. would charge 25 pct tariffs on imports of foreign cars and car parts.

Credit image: ID 342656814 | Defense © Anna Komisarenko | Dreamstime.com

Transporting Patriot Missiles Bboard MV-22B Osprey

03/31/2025

U.S. Army Soldiers with 1st Battalion, 1st Air Defense Artillery Regiment and U.S. Marines with Marine Medium Tiltrotor Squadron 265, Marine Aircraft Group 36, 1st Marine Aircraft Wing transport Patriot missiles on an MV-22B Osprey from Kadena Air Base to Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, Okinawa, Japan, Nov. 5, 2024.

The prototype loading system was designed to offer a more efficient method of transporting Patriot missiles.

OKINAWA, JAPAN

11.05.2024

Video by Lance Cpl. Thalia Rivera 

1st Marine Aircraft Wing    

Restoring Grounded Discourse in an Anxious America: The Focus of the Invisible Threads Lab

03/29/2025

By Robbin Laird and Ed Timperlake

Journalist Kate Woodsome has been laser-focused on a key challenge facing democracy in the United States and, frankly, within liberal democracies more generally: the growing inability of social and political tribes to talk with one another. In fact, the impacts of the pandemic on younger generations have generated difficulties for individuals to be part of a broader healthy – literally physically and mentally – democratic society. But the political sectarianism and mental health and addiction issues plaguing America existed even before covid-19 hit, and their corrosive challenge to social cohesion affect young and old alike.

Woodsome has been a journalist throughout her professional life, working for the Voice of America, Al Jazeera English, and The Washington Post in societies with complex information environments and fading or failed democracies. These include Cuba, Cambodia, Hong Kong, and the United States. Everywhere she’s lived and worked in, starting in her home state of Maine, Kate says she’s witnessed a common human experience: People are in pain, and they want to feel better. While so much political reporting focuses on tit-for-tat, he-said-she-said point-scoring, Kate delves deeper to examine the underlying forces of our division and alienation.

The root of much pain, Kate has found, is trauma, a biopsychosocial wound caused by an experience or condition so distressing that it overwhelms or short-circuits a person’s normal stress response systems. Even when a person returns to “safety,” their body and mind can carry the impacts of adversity, whether it is from a challenging childhood or fighting in war. A person’s nervous, endocrine, immune, cardiovascular, and cognitive systems can all be affected by the toxic stress, creating a complex web of long-term and even intergenerational consequences. Without care, resources and support, Kate told us, people can become shutdown or hypervigilant, scanning for threats or danger, or dissociating from even the highest levels of stress. She told us that trauma can rupture connections within ourselves and with others, and that social disorder, political polarization, and violence are all manifestations of collective trauma.

Kate had this experience in her home growing up. She witnessed it reporting in post-genocide Cambodia in the early 2000s. And she covered and lived it reporting on the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol in 2021 as part of The Washington Post’s Pulitzer Prize-winning team.

Now an independent journalist and emerging entrepreneur, Kate is focused on bringing together her experience in the journalistic world with her research on trauma to take a new approach to the challenge of fragmentation. As she told us, “We have to heal our nervous systems to heal our social and political systems.”

Kate took a buyout from The Post in Dec. 2023, and began a multimedia newsletter on Substack called Invisible Threads, where she uncovers the ties between mental health and democracy. Her writing and conversations are compassionate and authentic, weaving personal experiences with larger systemic happenings to make complex challenges more relatable and, therefore, less overwhelming to address.

A year later, with thousands of subscribers, it has grown into something bigger: a living laboratory for media, education and resources to nourish what she calls “an economy of well-being.”

Now a visiting scholar with Georgetown University’s Psychology Department and a senior fellow with the school’s Red House research and design unit, Kate is pioneering a nervous-system-informed approach to journalism, education, and public engagement. She’s building The Invisible Threads Lab to empower people with “tools to stay regulated, relational, and responsive in a world of constant input.”

We had a chance to talk with Kate recently about her mission and how she’s approaching the work.

The key question we posed during the discussion was raised by Ed Timperlake: “Using an engineering term in times of stress, pressure builds, and we need for folks to have a constructive pressure relief valve in order to take the pressure down and allow the society or the system to function so it doesn’t blow up into a set of angry confrontations. Is your vision to pull people together by shaping a common ground?”

One might add that one of the objectives of democratic discourse is in fact to shape common grounds rather than simply to shape isolated social tribes fighting with one another, and unable to find, or even to see the necessity of, finding common ground.

Kate Woodsome provided a thoughtful response that gets at the heart of her work:

The goal is to have media and resources for an economy of well-being. An economy fo well-being is what would result if our social and political and economic systems — and our relationships — were built with human dignity and respect and care in mind.

Right now, the media information ecosystem that I am a product of, that I spent 23 years in newsrooms participating in, and that I consume, is built on adrenaline. It’s built on speed. It is built on generating clicks to bolster ad revenue, to rev you up, to make you scared to you keep checking the news. It keeps us all scanning for danger, which isn’t necessarily a bad thing except when it becomes overwhelming and unhealthy, which I’d argue a lot of people are feeling right now. The information ecosystem reflects the larger fear-driven, hyper-capitalist system that has people ordering stuff they don’t need from Amazon to temporarily make them feel better. People either want quick fixes to complex problems, something to make us feel better now, or they want to know that their angst is valid, and they seek out information that confirms their fears.

And so essentially, what is happening when people are engaging in the information ecosystem, be it mainstream media or social media, or even conversations across the dinner table that are a product of the hyper partisan media, the result is to keep people in a state of fight, flight or freeze.

When you talk about the nervous system and responses to a traumatic incident, you can get ready to fight, you can get ready to run away, or you can freeze and shut down. Another response is appeasement. For a lot of people, reading the news or even visiting family or old friends over the holidays can raise their stress levels so much that they don’t want to engage anymore. Or they’ll say something that fractures the relationship, or they’ll bite their tongue to make the problem go away, which often generates more resentment or grief. This is the tip of the iceberg of the deeper dysregulation of our society.

What I’m trying to do with Invisible Threads is help people understand the underlying, interrelated factors of our mental health and political crises — what I call our crisis of misunderstanding — and develop the skills to start looking at these overwhelming things through different lenses. If we examine complex problems by asking different questions, we can identify different tools and pathways to solve them.

In the writing, interviews and field reporting I publish with the Invisible Threads newsletter, I’m integrating references to the human nervous system and how trauma affects the world around us so that we are better equipped to notice how social, political, and economic systems affect our well-being, and how our well-being affects the communities and systems we build. The goal is to ground people in a shared sense of humanity, so even if you disagree on political points, at least you’re more aware that maybe someone is experiencing spikes of cortisol or adrenaline that might be affecting how they — or we — are listening, communicating, relating, for better or worse.

The current information ecosystems promote polarization. And political polarization is a manifestation of collective trauma. Trauma ruptures relationships and makes you look at someone as the enemy — “us versus them.” That is polarization.

If we have a baseline understanding of how our nervous systems are working, and how trauma and resilience affect society, people can come to Invisible Threads and engage with these conversations and these ideas in a more complex, almost slower way, to begin to reassess how we exist in the world, so that we can see how the systems were built around us.

That’s the media arm of Invisible Threads. This coming year, I’ll be releasing more videos with high-profile trauma experts including Bessel Van Der Kolk, the author of The Body Keeps the Score, as well as a younger generation of resilience teachers such as Nkem Ndefo. I’m also teeing up conversations with people affected by the massive shifts in government, those who support it and those who don’t. We need to model dialogue across differences but, more than that, we need the tools to navigate this on an embodied level.

This is where The Invisible Threads Lab comes in. I’m building a non-profit where nervous system literacy meets media literacy, social intelligence, and collective care. People need opportunities to develop deeper skills and practice what they’re learning, so I’m building curriculum and workshops to empower people to notice, navigate, and transform the systems inside and around them. Social media, misinformation, and fearmongering are not going away. We need different skills to stay healthy and grounded in this environment.

This builds on work I’ve been doing for the past year with my partners at Georgetown’s Red House, including its director, Dr. Randall Bass, and Dr. Mays Imad, a neuroscience professor at my alma mater, Connecticut College, as well as with Dr. Jennifer Woolard, a Georgetown vice dean and psychology and law professor who heads the Community Research Group, It’s exciting to blend journalism, psychology, and systems change with an eye on healing rather than fear and division.

You can subscribe to the Invisible Threads newsletter here: https://katewoodsome.substack.com. To help build The Invisible Threads Lab or to learn more about talks, workshops and tools, email ka**@ka**********.com.

Editor’s Note: We called our defense website Second Line of Defense and I have had defense types ask why this title?

Our idea from the beginning is that the defense mission of the nation is too narrowly focused on forward deployed forces and neglecting the entire domestic base which makes defense of the nation possible, including infrastructure, industry, a healthy information society and the willingness of the civilian population to defend their ideals and the nation. What Kate is focused on fits right in with our core concept.

II MIG Participates in Resolute Hunter 2-24

03/28/2025

U.S. Marines with II Marine Expeditionary Force Information Group, II Marine Expeditionary Force, participate in exercise Resolute Hunter 2-24 on Naval Air Station Fallon, Nevada, from June 17 to June 20, 2024. Resolute Hunter demonstrates the U.S. Marine Corps’ ability to work within the joint force and with foreign partners to validate & develop service, joint, and coalition doctrine and tactics within the realm of battle management, command and control and intelligence-surveillance-reconnaissance.

06.21.2024

Video by Cpl. Maurion Moore 

II MEF Information Group

The U.S. Navy and the “Hybrid Fleet”

03/26/2025

By George Galdorisi

The U. S. Navy stands at the precipice of a new era of technology advancement. In an address at a military-industry conference, then-U.S. Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Michael Gilday, revealed the Navy’s goal to grow to 500 ships, to include 350 crewed ships and 150 uncrewed maritime vessels. This plan has been dubbed the “hybrid fleet.” More recently, the former CNO, Admiral Lisa Franchetti, has stressed the importance of the hybrid fleet in her Navigation Plan for America’s Warfighting Navy.

The reason for this commitment to uncrewed maritime vessels is clear. During the height of the Reagan Defense Buildup in the mid-1980s, the U.S. Navy evolved a strategy to build a “600-ship Navy.” That effort resulted in a total number of Navy ships that reached 594 in 1987. That number has declined steadily during the past three-and-one-half decades, and today the Navy has less than half the number of commissioned ships. However, the rapid growth of the technologies that make uncrewed surface vessels (USVs) increasingly capable and affordable has provided the Navy with a way to put more hulls in the water.

Juxtaposed against this aspiration is the fact that the U.S. Congress has been reluctant to authorize the Navy’s planned investment of billions of dollars in USVs until the Service can come up with a concept of operations (CONOPS) for using them. Congress has a point. The Navy has announced plans to procure large numbers of uncrewed systems—especially large and medium uncrewed surface vessels—but a CONOPS has not yet emerged.

That said, the Navy has taken several actions to define what uncrewed maritime vessels will do and thus accelerate its journey to have autonomous platforms populate the fleet. These include publishing an UNCREWED Campaign Framework; establishing Surface Development Squadron One in San Diego and Uncrewed Surface Vessel Division One in Port Hueneme, California; and conducting many exercises, experiments and demonstrations where operators have had the opportunity to evaluate these maritime vessels.

These initiatives will serve the Navy well in evolving a CONOPS to describe how these innovative platforms can be leveraged. Fleshing out how this is to be done will require that the Navy describe how these platforms will get to the operating area where they are needed as well as what missions they will perform once they arrive there.

An evolving concept of operations is to marry various size uncrewed surface, subsurface and aerial uncrewed vehicles to perform missions that the U.S. Navy has—and will continue to have—as the Navy-After-Next evolves. The Navy can use a large uncrewed surface vessel as a “truck” to move smaller USVs, uncrewed underwater systems, and uncrewed air systems into the battle space to perform important Navy missions such as intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) and mine-countermeasures (MCM). Further, the Navy does not have to wait for a lengthy acquisition process to field capable medium-sized USVs (MUSVs). Rather, it can use commercial-off-the-self (COTS) USVs and field them in the near future.

How would this CONOPS for a hybrid fleet evolve? Consider the case of an Expeditionary Strike Group comprised of several amphibious ships underway in the Western Pacific. This strike group includes three large USVs (LUSVs). Depending on the size that is ultimately procured, the LUSV can carry a number of MUSVs and deliver them to a point near the intended area of operations.

These vessels can then be sent independently to perform the ISR mission, or alternatively, can launch one or more smaller USVs to perform this task. Building on work conducted by the Navy laboratory community and sponsored by the Office of Naval Research, MUSVs will have the ability to launch uncrewed aerial vehicles to conduct overhead ISR.

For the MCM mission, the LUSV can deliver several MUSVs equipped with mine-hunting and mine-clearing systems (all of which are COTS platforms such as the MCM-USV, Devil Ray T38, Shadow Fox, GARC and others) that have already been tested extensively in Navy exercises. These vessels can then undertake the “dull, dirty and dangerous” work previously conducted by Sailors who had to operate in the minefield.

While the full details of how this CONOPS plays out is beyond the scope of this article, this innovative approach accomplishes an important goal. If the U.S. Navy wants to keep its multi-billion-dollar capital ships out of harm’s way, it will need to surge uncrewed maritime vessels into the contested battlespace while its crewed ships stay out of range of adversary anti-access/area denial systems, sensors and weapons.

To be clear, this is not a platform-specific solution, but rather a concept. When fleet operators see a capability with different size uncrewed COTS platforms in the water working together and successfully performing the missions presented in this article, they will likely press industry to produce even more-capable platforms to perform these missions, thereby accelerating the fielding of a hybrid fleet.

While evolutionary in nature, this disruptive capability delivered using emerging technologies can provide the U.S. Navy with near-term solutions to vexing operational challenges, while demonstrating to a Congress that the Navy does have a concept-of-operations to employ the uncrewed systems it wants to procure as an important part of the emerging hybrid fleet.

Editor’s Note: I am publishing a new book later this year which is entitled: The Paradigm Shift in Maritime Operations:The Impact of Autonomous Systems which discussed many of the issues raised in this article. 

 

 

 

Eric Béranger Provides an Update on MBDA and European Defence: March 2025

03/24/2025

By Pierre Tran

Paris – MBDA was beating its own targets in building missiles in larger numbers and greater speed, at a time when the ties between Western allies were shifting, the chief executive of the European missile company said March 17.

Eric Béranger said last year he had forecast there would be a 50 percent increase in production of the Aster surface-to-air missile in 2026 compared to 2022, the year seen as baseline, with the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

“In fact we are very much ahead of this,” he said. The company would deliver this year five more Aster than the company had forecast.

“What I can tell you is we are ahead of time on each of the targets mentioned last year,” he said, and that was true for its range of weapons, including Acheron, common anti-air modular missile (CAMM), and Enforcer.

Béranger was speaking at a news conference on MBDA 2024 financial results, which showed new highs in sales and orders. The company withholds profit figures.

MBDA is a joint venture held by Airbus (37.5 pct), BAE Systems (37.5 pct), and Leonardo (25 pct), with British, French, and Italian procurement offices holding key roles.

The missile company has been responding, along with other European arms manufacturers,  to calls from national procurement and client nations for faster and larger delivery of weaponry in response to the war in Ukraine.

A sign of the times could be seen with President Emmanuel Macron visiting March 18 the Luxeuil air base, eastern France, where the commander in chief said France will order a further batch of the Rafale, and that air base will be home of a future version of the fighter jet armed with a hypersonic nuclear-tipped missile from 2035.

That will be part of “the modernization of our nuclear deterrent,” he said.

Two squadrons of the planned Rafale F5 will be based at Luxeuil, with almost €1.5 billion ($1.6 billion) earmarked to upgrade the base 2026-2032. Some 2,000 civilian and military staff will work on the base by 2030, up from the present 1,200 personnel.

MBDA is developing the ASN4G, a fourth-generation missile which will replace the ASMP-A nuclear-tipped cruise missile carried by the Rafale F4.

The then defense minister, Florence Parly, said in June 2019 Luxeuil would be a base for the Rafale, with the first squadron to be stationed there from 2032.

With recent public debate of Paris offering European allies an independent nuclear umbrella, Macron’s visit to Luxeuil had the significance of “strategic signaling,” afternoon daily Le Monde reported.

That air base is home of the Mirage 2000-5, which Paris is sending to Kyiv. Macron raised the prospect of dispatching further Mirages, some from allies flying the French-built fighters.

On the combat side, Ukrainian forces hit a Russian Sukhoi fighter last week with an Aster missile fired from the Franco-Italian SAMP/T surface-to-air system, Béranger said, citing Ukrainian authorities.

The unit price of an Aster missile is understood to be around €1 million.

Uncertain Behavior

An urgent restocking of European military stores and despatch of weapons to Kyiv have taken a new dimension with the Trump administration, which appears to hold the European allies in low esteem.

“We are today really living through historical moments,” Béranger said. “We are living through a moment where the alliances…are being challenged. We are living the moment where the behavior of historical allies is uncertain.”

MBDA was adapting to “those consequences” by streamlining production, he said.

The company last year built and delivered a third more missiles than in 2023, he said. That ramp up meant production of missiles in 2025 would be double that of 2023. That was “the magnitude” of what was going on in the company.

On the Mistral man-portable missile, the company had hit a forecast four times increase in monthly production in 2024, and there would be a greater increase this year, he said.

The company expected to beat a forecast halving of production time, he said.

MBDA had taken a new approach, he said, with building up stocks of parts in anticipation of orders from client nations, for which “time is absolutely of the essence.”

That meant “increasing risk for MBDA,” he said.

That risk appeared to have delivered financial reward.

MBDA reported 2024 sales of €4.9 billion, up from €4.5 billion a year ago, with orders of €13.8 billion, up from €9.9 billion. The order book rose to €37 billion from €28 billion.

The company booked profit of €640 million, financial website La Tribune reported. MBDA reported 2023 operating profit of €498 million, as reported by website Airitage.

The company was investing €2.4 billion in new plant and equipment over five years to boost production, Béranger said, with that amount appearing to creep up to €2.5 billion.

The company was recruiting 2,600 staff this year, the same number as last year.

There have been several European summits since the remarks by the U.S. vice president at the Munich security conference, he said.

“This is a very specific moment, where Europe is…actively discussing how it wants to take its destiny in its own hands,” he said. “It is a little bit of a moment of truth for Europe.”

Strained relations with the Trump administration has raised pressure for Europe to rearm, with the European Commission calling March 19 for member states and allies to buy arms built in the European Union.

Part of that Buy European policy was a plan to offer access to easy credit with a €150 billion fund, dubbed Security Action for Europe (SAFE), which the E.U. would raise in the capital markets. The U.K. was not – for now – on the list of allies which could tap that E.U. loan.

Design Authority

There has been debate on whether to buy European, Béranger said, whether to depend on suppliers outside the Continent or develop an “internal European capability.”

Designing systems meant “you know them, designing…means you do not ask anybody on how it works, whether to adapt in one way or another,” he said. “You don’t ask anybody outside… for approval of use or adaptation.”

This design authority allowed MBDA to adapt in a few weeks the British Storm Shadow and French Scalp cruise missile to fit on the Ukraine air force Sukhoi fighter, he said.

The question was how much priority should be given to European capabilities, he said.

Asked about a reported row on an attempt to reorganize management, Béranger said MBDA  had to deal with the stakeholders, namely staff, shareholders, and clients.

There was no greater sovereignty issue for France than nuclear deterrence, he said.

That could be the perceived importance of the French manager working on the airborne nuclear-armed missile, with concern Paris stood to lose management weight if a previous planned reorganization went ahead.

The company was seeking to move from a “model which is balanced, which is satisfying everybody” to a new structure, he said. The question was between the three circles – staff, shareholders, and the domestic countries – was there an intersection?

“This is what we are exploring now,” he said.

The company has been working on a reorganization intended to speed up production, as requested by the client nations. There had been a plan for the Italian shareholder, Leonardo, to place two Italian executives in top management posts, but France and the U.K. had objected to the reshuffle, forcing a rethink.

More Aster

France, Italy, and the U.K., partner nations on the Aster missile program, placed an order for a further 218 of the surface-to-air missile, and also signed contract amendments for speeded up delivery of 134 Aster which had been ordered in 2024, the Direction Générale de l’Armement procurement office said in a March 14 statement.

A faster delivery of the 134 Aster meant the missile would be built between 2025 and 2026, the DGA said, reflecting faster production by MBDA and subcontractors.

The statement did not give details of how those orders would be shared out between the partner nations, nor the value of the orders.

The contract amendment with Eurosam covered production of Aster 30 B1 ground and naval missiles, and Aster 15 naval missiles, the joint venture between MBDA and Thales said in a March 11 statement.

The British Royal Navy operates the Aster on its Horizon air defense frigates.

France and Italy sent an SAMP/T missile launcher to Ukraine as part of their military aid, and that system will need restock of Aster weapons.

The armed forces minister, Sébastien Lecornu, told a news conference March 26 2024 there would be an order for 200 Aster missiles worth almost €2 billion, in addition to a previous 200-strong order for Aster. That previous order would have been a deal sealed in December 2022.

On the Rafale, the defense minister has recently spoken of the need for ordering a further 30 fighters, with 20 going to the French air force and 10 for the navy.

Featured image credit: ID 366007493 | European Defense © Ganna Zelinska | Dreamstime.com