By Australian Defence Business Review

Defence Minister Peter Dutton has formally launched the Australian Defence Force’s Defence Space Command.

Speaking at the 2022 Air and Space Conference in Canberra on 22 March, Minister Dutton signalled the commencement of operations for the new Defence Space Command after it was announced in 2021, and AVM Cath Roberts was appointed to lead it in January 2022. The new command will draw personnel from the three armed services, from Defence public servants and industry contractors, and the Australian Space Agency (ASA).

Whilst he acknowledged it as “modest” compared to similar commands being established in the US and other countries, he described it as a “necessary endeavour with a view to protecting our national interests and our need for a Space Force in the future”.

“Together with like-minded partners and the United Nations, Australia has long championed the responsible and peaceful use of outer space in accordance with international norms,” he said. “But space is becoming more congested and is already contested – particularly as the boundaries between competition and conflict become increasingly blurred through grey-zone activities.

“While space is primarily a civil domain — to support navigation, communication networks, financial systems, scientific enterprises, weather forecasting, and disaster response — it will undoubtedly become a domain which takes on greater military significance in the 21st century,” he added. “A domain which is now an operational theatre which provides space-based communication, intelligence, and navigation to the joint force.

“Importantly, Defence Space Command is Australia’s contribution towards a larger, collective effort among like-minded countries to ensure a safe, stable, and secure space domain. By developing our sovereign space capabilities, we will not only become more self-reliant, but also be a better ally and partner through the combined effects of our capabilities.

“Australia’s aim will be to invest in new military space capabilities to counter threats…To assure our continued access to space-based intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance and to uphold the free use of space.”

Minister Dutton also launched Australia’s Defence Space Strategy which he says will guide the efforts and priorities of Defence Space Command.

“Importantly, Australia and the United States are strengthening our Alliance to support our mutual objectives in the space domain,” he said. “The Australian Department of Defence and the US National Reconnaissance Office have committed to a broad range of cooperative satellite activities which will expand Australia’s space knowledge and capabilities.

“Our partnership will also contribute to the US National Reconnaissance Office’s pursuit of a more capable, integrated, and resilient space architecture to support global coverage in a wide range of intelligence mission requirements.

On the sidelines of the Air and Space Conference, AVM Roberts told media that her organisation initially comprises 105 personnel, and would be located at Fairbairn in Canberra with smaller presences at Air Command near Sydney, Hobart, and co-located with the ASA in Adelaide.

“Our mission is to assure Australia’s access to space,” she said. “We really need to make sure that Australia’s reliance on services from space are protected, not just the military elements.”

AVM Roberts said they needed to be able to deliver and contribute space capability much faster than was planned in the Defence Integrated Investment Plan.

“I am doing a complete architecture review. It has been under way for a short time,” she said. “That work is really really important and I expect you will see modifications. We are going to do things really quickly. I have some really good ideas about how we can deliver capability far more quickly than we have in the past.”

AVM Roberts said she had tasked her officers to get some capability within the next four months. “We have a bunch of space domain awareness (SDA) companies in Australia who can provide us with data as a service,” she said. “We are going to do a bunch of minor projects to actually be able to feed information into the SDA picture and we will be able to share that information not only with our allies in the US but also with any country in the region.”

“We are also testing a mission system to pull that data together,” she added. “It is really important that we start contributing. We have a couple of little satellites up there but SDA is where we can start and we need to operationalise it because we are so far behind.”

Asked if there was a prospect the Joint Project 9102 sovereign defence satellite communications could deliver capability sooner than planned, she said, “If I have something to do with it yes. 9102 followed the traditional approach and the tenders will be evaluated. That will result in a capability being fielded a long time away.

“We need those satellites in geostationary orbit,” she added. “There is no doubt about that. How quickly can we do it? That is something we will talk about with the companies once we have selected a tenderer. I would like it always to be quicker.”

This article was published by ADBR on March 22, 2022.

An additional article focused on the launch of the Space Command was published by the Australian Department of Defence on March 23, 2022 and was entitled Defence Soars Into Space:

As Defence enters into a new space era with the establishment of Defence Space Command, the release of the Defence Space Strategy sets a vector to assure Australia’s access to space for civilian and military uses.

Chief of the Defence Force General Angus Campbell said space was critical to ADF warfighting effectiveness, situational awareness, and the delivery of real-time communications in the current geostrategic environment.

“We must be able to generate space power across the Defence portfolio, supporting the joint force, whole of government, allies and international partners. We must also protect billions of dollars’ worth of commercial and military assets against space debris, collisions and destructive acts,” General Campbell said.

“The decision to create a single organisation to coordinate and manage Defence’s endeavours in space is significant. Defence Space Command brings members of Navy, Army, Air Force, the Australian Public Service and contractors together under an integrated headquarters reporting to the Chief of Air Force as the Space Domain Lead.” 

Chief of Air Force Air Marshal Mel Hupfeld said Defence had the responsibility of assuring Australia’s access to space for civilian and military users in a safe and sustainable space environment. 

“Advancing Australia’s space power requires a shift in thinking that recognises and supports space as a contested operational domain rather than simply being an enabler to other domains,” Air Marshal Hupfeld said.

“The Government has committed to significantly increasing investment in Defence’s space capabilities by investing around $7 billion this decade to assure our access to space, space services and geospatial information.

“While technologies and systems are important, they are only part of what enables the delivery of space power. Our people and partners will bring the curiosity, creativity and collaborative spirit required to conceive the space power required to meet our future challenges.” 

Led by Defence Space Commander Air Vice-Marshal Cath Roberts, Defence Space Command was established to assure Australia’s access to space to defend Australia, our national interests, and promote global security and stability.

“Space is the ultimate high ground. What we see from space gives us an unsurpassed advantage in surveillance and intelligence. It is central to how we will fight and win in the future across multi-domain operations, using advanced hypersonics, precision strike missiles and guided weapons,” Air Vice-Marshal Roberts said.

“We are enhancing our sovereign capabilities so Australia can be self-reliant in the detection of threats and collection of information for the defence of our nation. This is crucial to gaining timely, accurate information for the safety and capability of our forces. 

“This evolution of our operational capability will see us become an active contributor in space and ensure we can efficiently and effectively respond to space incidents when required.

“The newly released Defence Space Strategy sets the trajectory for Defence to assure Australia’s access to space. The immediate priority for Defence is to better integrate the many diverse elements of space capability.  

“We will look at innovative ways to expand our space capability to meet unique Australian requirements and develop our partnerships with industry and academia. 

“Australia’s geographical location and vast open land in the southern hemisphere helps us see things that others can’t. We will continue to work closely with our allies and international partners to mutually assure the responsible use of the space domain.  

“Together we will reach for the stars to protect Australia – our freedom, our values and our way of life.”

The featured photo shows the Defence Minister announcing the launch of the space command at the 2022 Airpower Conference held in Canberra.

The Requirements of a Sovereign Defence Space Capability

By Robert Czulda

Ukraine needs to be supplied with heavy weaponry.

Ukrainian defenders are usually depicted by media as mainly light infantry, armed with lethal yet mobile anti-tank systems. This image is as romantic but misleading. There is a good reason to do this, at least from the Ukrainian point of view – a war with Russia is presented as a clash between David and Goliath.  Only David – weaker and doomed for a defeat – gains sympathy.

However, this is a false narrative – Ukraine has been relying mostly on heavy weaponry, such as artillery, armored vehicles and tanks. Without them, Ukraine would not be able to resist the aggressor for so long.

While Russia still has the ability to replace lost vehicles – although these capabilities are slowly depleting – Ukraine, which has weaker mechanized forces, does not have such comfort (especially now, when various Ukrainian heavy factories were either destroyed or damaged). For Ukraine, every tank and heavy artillery is now worth its weight in gold.

NATO member states should jointly supply Ukraine with heavy weaponry.

Obviously, the Ukrainian Army was not trained to operate tanks, artillery systems or armored vehicles of Western origin. Such trainings would take many weeks or even months. Therefore, the most feasible and logic idea is to supply Ukraine with equipment they already know and could start using straight after deliveries. Such weaponry can be still found both in the Balkans and Central-Eastern Europe.

We do not know exactly how large Ukraine’s losses in heavy equipment are. Kyiv – which is also understandable – does not provide information on this subject.

According to Oryx, Ukraine lost at least 501 vehicles: 185 were destroyed, 10 damaged, 37 abandoned, while 269 were captured by the enemy. Regardless of a real scale of loses, without deliveries of heavy arms (including munition and spare parts mainly for field repairs), Ukraine will not only be unable to carry out any counter-offensive that is necessary to recapture the lost territory, but ultimately will loose a war of attrition.

In other words: tanks, artillery and armored vehicles are crucial, if Ukraine wants to stand its ground.

Undoubtedly Ukraine has been depleting its armor strength, which is based on various variants of the T-64 tank (upgraded by indigenous industry). This is a child of the Soviet Union, but in fact it was designed and manufactured on the Ukrainian soil – by Kharkiv Morozov Machine Building Design Bureau.

Kharkiv is now an arena of fierce fights. Ukraine cannot be supplied with additional T-64s, since this model has never been used by any post-communist Central-Eastern European state.

It means that the most likely tank that Ukraine could get, would be the T-72, which exists in numerous variants (however they are inferior to Russian T-72B3 model). These tanks are still in used by several NATO states, such as Poland (which also has the PT-91 Twardy tank – this is a local development of the T-72M1), Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia.

Although their combat value is currently limited, even modest deliveries could increase combat capabilities of the Ukrainian Army (including their mobility).

The same applies to armored vehicles – Ukraine has several types, BTR-4s, BTR-80s and BTR-70s. Some of them could be found in North Macedonia or Slovakia. The most obvious vehicle, which is possessed by several NATO member states, is the BMP-1 tracked infantry fighting vehicle. They are still owned by Bulgaria, Slovakia, the Czech Republic (BVP-1 variant) or mainly Poland (the latter has roughly 1,000 vehicles, which are expected to be replaced in a near future by a locally designed AIFV, known as BORSUK/BADGER).

Ukrainian artillery, which is used excessively, could be reinforced too. Ukraine is, so far, quite successful in integrating UAVs with artillery – while the former detects targets, the latter are used to engage them from a safe distance.

Apart from towed artillery (such as D-30 or D-20), Ukraine has numerous self-propelled systems, including 2S1 Gvozdika, 2S3 Akatsiya, 2S7 Pion, 2S5 Giatsint-S, not to mention rocket artillery (BM-21 Grad, BM-27 Uragan or BM-30 Smerch).

While majority of these systems are not in stock among NATO member states, and thus they could not be delivered to Ukraine, some are – either still in service or in reserve.

For instance, 2S1s are still possessed by Bulgaria, Croatia or Poland. Most likely Ukraine still has enough artillery pieces (many pieces are in reserves), but lacks ammo. NATO could help Ukraine by facilitating transfer of proper munition.

A significant boost to Ukrainian warfighting capabilities would be air-defense systems, other than MANPADS, which are highly useful but have significant limitations.

According to some sources, the Pentagon has confirmed that there were “ongoing discussions” with NATO allies regarding “transfers of defenses capabilities to include long-range air defenses, that we know that they’re comfortable using”. The most likely supplier is Slovakia, which has the S-300 long range surface-to-air missile system. The same system is used by other NATO member states, such as Bulgaria and Greece.

According to some rumors, there are also discussions with Ankara, who owns the S-400 (an upgraded variant), but the system has never been introduced by the Turkish military into operational service.

By donating the S-400s to Ukraine, Ankara would harm its ties with Russia, but at the same time it would give Erdogan an opportunity to improve highly strained relations with NATO and particularly the United States. However, there is a significant problem – the Ukrainians have not been trained to use the S-400.

It is worth adding that reportedly the United States has already sent to Ukraine the 9K33 Osa (SA-8) highly mobile, low-altitude, short-range tactical surface-to-air missile system. Some units can be still found in Greece, Romania or Poland.

Such deliveries would possible under three conditions.

First, there need to be a secure land corridor between NATO and Ukraine (so far the Russian Army was unable to launch an offensive and cut it off).

Secondly, this should be a decision of all NATO member states – all partners need share a certain burden. While some states would donate their equipment – and in consequence they would reduce their defense capabilities and expose to Russian responses – other states would have to step in and first assist them by providing interim substitute capabilities and later by donating their own surplus equipment.  There are also some good examples – both the Netherlands and Germany agreed to deploy their Patriot missile defense systems to Slovakia). Moreover, countries willing to donate its equipment, should be financially assisted by other NATO member states, who could then cover at least partial costs of new systems they would need to procure.

Thirdly, the United States must take more active role and become a real leader – this is widely expected by Central-Eastern Europe.

Both societies and governments are looking for more solid security commitments and assistance. The West, including the White House, cannot expect the most vulnerable NATO member states, located on a frontline with Russia – such as Poland, Slovakia or Romania – to unilaterally show acts of courage.

Let’s hope that a planned visit of President Joe Biden in Poland this Friday will meet expectations of the region.

Featured Photo: Photo 129987699 / Ukraine War © Oleksandr Ilin | Dreamstime.com

Dr. Robert Czulda is an Assistant Professor at the University of Lodz, Poland. He is a former Visiting Professor at the Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland (CISSM) under a Fulbright Senior Award.

Dr. Czulda is an Alum of the Young Leaders Dialogue of the U.S. Department of State (2010– 2011), and has lectured at universities in Iran, Brazil, Indonesia, Ireland, Lithuania, Turkey and Slovakia, as well as the National Cheng-chi University in Taipei.

He is a freelance defense journalist as well and has published widely on Polish defense and related issues.

Dr. Czulda’s area of expertise is international security and defense.

By Pierre Tran

Paris – The French fleet air arm is flying a daily patrol of two Rafale fighter jets and a Hawkeye spy plane over Romania and Bulgaria, part of a Nato enhanced Vigilance Activities (eVA) mission, a French navy officer said March 8.

Those flights are from the Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier, in response to Russian invasion of Ukraine, which has led to heightened military activity to support Nato allies close to the besieged East European nation.

It takes 45 minutes for a Rafale pilot to fly from the aircraft carrier, sailing in the Eastern Mediterranean, to reach Romanian airspace, said the officer. The fighter jets are also flying in a second operation, supporting the European Union Althea mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On the 14th day of the Russian invasion, there was a 12-hour ceasefire for Ukrainian civilians to take humanitarian corridors to escape artillery and rocket attacks. The Red Cross has called “apocalyptic” the conditions at the southern sea port of Mariupol.

Some two million refugees have left Ukraine, the UN has reported.

The French fleet air arm fighter jets and airborne warning and control system (AWACS) plane fly over the Black Sea, which Russia has effectively closed to warships of Nato allies since Christmas.

“That was no surprise,” the officer said.

The officer declined to confirm Le Telegramme, a regional paper, which reported March 1 a second French nuclear ballistic missile submarine has been ordered to take to sea.

“No comment. You have to call the other side of the Seine,” the officer said, referring to the president’s Elysée office.

This was the first sailing of two French nuclear missile boats since 1981, sparked by the Euromissile crisis, afternoon daily Le Monde reported. There is usually one nuclear ballistic missile submarine at sea.

Aircraft carrier on station

France has redeployed the Charles de Gaulle carrier to fly “air police and reconnaissance” flights over Romania, armed forces minister Florence Parly said March 3 on BFM TV.

The fighters and spy plane would “observe and deter,” she said, with the fleet air arm adding to air force patrols flying from France in response to the Russian assault.

The carrier task force had been on the Clemenceau mission against threats in the Middle East.

France has also sent some 350 troops and armored vehicles to Romania, part of the Nato “defense and deterrence posture,” the transatlantic alliance said March 8. The French armor includes Leclerc heavy tanks, photos with the statement show.

The French carrier-borne fighter jets were also flying a “a mission of presence,” the navy officer said, supporting the EU Althea mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The EU, with its 700-strong European Union Force (Eufor), backs the Althea operation, which trains the armed forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina to bring them to Nato standards.

Tension has been rising in Bosnia, with Serbian separatists seeking to form their own armed forces, effectively breaking the terms of the Dayton-Paris agreement, which brought an end to the Serbo-Croat war in 1999.

“At this time when the security equilibrium in Europe is shaken, the EU demonstrates its continuing commitment and resolve to support a safe and secure environment in BiH (Bosnia and Herzegovina) and the Western Balkans, Eufor said in a statement.

The French air patrols over Bosnia and Herzegovina began March 7. Nato also has headquarters in Sarajevo.

Nato set up a battle group in Romania in an enhanced Vigilance Activities  (eVA) operation, to bolster security among East European member nations against a perceived Russian threat.

“The establishment of the Nato eVA represents a decisive message of cohesion and solidarity,” the alliance said Feb. 15. “These measures increase the readiness, deter aggression, and clearly demonstrates Nato’s firm commitment to the defense of all allies.”

Meanwhile, French air force Mirage 2000-5Fs were due to leave Feb. 13 Luxeuil air base, eastern France, to fly to Estonia. The fighters will be based in Estonia, in the Nato enhanced Air Policing (eAP) mission, seeking to uphold “sovereignty of the airspace over the Baltic countries,” the air force said. The fighters will be stationed there until Aug. 1.

Russian Arc of Naval Reach

The Russian navy has an extensive arc of operations stretching from Murmansk in the north, through Sevastopol in the Russian occupied Crimea in Ukraine, to Odessa, also in Ukraine, the French officer said.

In the Arctic seas of the High North , the French navy sails the Fremm multimission frigate and maritime patrol aircraft, working with Western allies in the region.

Russia also has a naval base in Syria, which gives the capability to operate quickly and flexibly in the Mediterranean, and plans for a naval base in Sudan.

Meanwhile, China has a navy base in Djibouti and is fast building warships, including submarines and a carrier with catapult and arresting gear, the officer said, sparking Norwegian concern it was just a matter of time before a Chinese submarine sailed in the North Atlantic.

The security concern is that one day, Russia and China might use their bases to block maritime trade to Europe.

That perceived threat pointed up the importance of a European Union concept of Coordinated Maritime Presence, extending the reach of a European naval coalition to the Indian Ocean.

There would be a “coordinated European military presence,” the officer said, pointing up the significance of European allies working together in a new naval region.

“The (European) Council today also decided to launch the implementation of the CMP concept in the North-Western Indian Ocean by establishing a Maritime Area of Interest covering the maritime area from the Strait of Hormuz to the Southern Tropic and from the North of the Red Sea towards the centre of the Indian Ocean,” the Council of the European Union said Feb. 22 in a statement.

Missions with Western allies, which included the French carrier task force sailing with Italian and U.S. warships, pointed up the importance of coalitions, the officer said.

There is a real political decision to make: whether to act alone or in coalition.

European navies could sail some 100 frigates, “good ships,” the officer said, pointing up the importance of interoperability and resilience. The EU project to build a European Patrol Corvette reflected European cooperation.

The other EU measure for naval cooperation was to extend a Coordinated Maritime Presence in the Gulf of Guinea for a further two years.

Meanwhile, it was commonplace for Russian warships in the Mediterranean to light up the Charles de Gaulle carrier task force with targeting radar, the officer said, a “highly disagreeable” measure intended to intimidate, and show their presence. There were also Russian Kilo class submarines sailing in the Mediterranean.

Relations with the Australian navy were now “rather cool,” the officer said.

That chilly relationship was due to Australia in September dropping a plan to build a fleet of diesel-electric submarines with French shipbuilder Naval Group. That followed Canberra’s unexpected switch to a nuclear-powered boat, in cooperation with the U.K. and the U.S.

Cooperation on operations was going well, such as the French FS Astrolabe, which sails from Hobart, Tasmania, off the Australian coast, to resupply the French Antarctic station.

The British first sea lord and naval chief, Adm. Ben Key, was due to visit France March 11 and 12, attending a work meeting with his French counterpart, Adm. Pierre Vandier, and going to Lorient, northwestern France, to watch the two rugby matches of men and women of the Royal Navy playing against the French navy.

American, British and French officers met at the Newport International Seapower Symposium last September. Just after that event, news broke of the AUKUS agreement on defense cooperation between Australia, the U.K. and the U.S., centred on an Australian plan to order nuclear-powered submarines.

A dependence on the U.S. to hit Serbian forces in the war with Croatia led to the then British prime minister, Tony Blair, and then French president Jacques Chirac, adopting a plan for European military cooperation at the bilateral summit at St Malo, northwest France, in 1998.

That agreement led to a European Council approval for a 60,000-strong European military force, a plan which stayed on paper.

Photo: Triomphant-class submarine. French Navy Photo