Airlift Support to Italy During COVID-19

An 86th Airlift Wing C-130J Super Hercules out of Ramstein Air Base, Germany, is seen assisting the Italian government in transporting medical and other relief supplies between supply hubs in Milan and Rome, Italy, May 13, in response to the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak.

ITALY

05.13.2020

Video by Senior Airman Kristof Rixmann

86th Airlift Wing/Public Affairs

Royal Australian Navy Sea Trials Aboard HMAS Adelaide for the Seahawk

HMAS Adelaide, Aircraft Maintenance and Flight Trials Unit (AMAFTU) and 816 Squadron conducted First Of Class Flight Trials for the MH-60 ‘Romeo’ helicopter off the coast of Queensland.

The trials determine the safe operating limits of the ‘Romeo’ helicopters on the Landing Helicopter Dock in a range of sea states and wind speeds both day and night.

Australian Department of Defence

May 5, 2020.

 

https://youtu.be/2cumNejJo0c

Maintenance Milestone for Australian C-130Js

05/15/2020

By Captain Jarrad Baldwin

Over the past 17 years of C-130 Hercules operations in the Middle East, maintainers from No. 37 Squadron have worked hard to keep the workhorse in the air.

The maintainers of the Air Mobility Task Element (AMTE) C-130 Detachment have achieved their 50th rotation to the Middle East since the aircraft first deployed to the region in 2003.

Flight Sergeant Wayne Francis is currently the second-in-charge of the team, which works tirelessly to fix any issue that might arise.

“My team consists of 21 staff ranging from A Tech’s to AvTech’s, safety equipment and metal bashers,” Flight Sergeant Francis said.

“A typical day for us is working six to six, working two 12-hour shifts, 24 hours a day dictated by the maintenance required on the aircraft and the flying program.

“The sort of maintenance we carry out here is just generalised, unless something goes wrong, then it’s all hands on deck to fix it and hopefully not let our guys on the ground down.”

Flight Sergeant Francis joined Air Force in 1988, initially as a Transport Driver, before remustering as an Aircraft Technician in 1992.

“This deployment has been an amazing experience, I’ve been in the Air Force 32 years and this is the first opportunity I’ve had to be deployed. You spend so much time in your career training and organising your life around the job and I finally got the opportunity to do it,” he said.

“I’m extremely proud of my team, they just do an amazing job. If it wasn’t for them we wouldn’t be able to maintain an aircraft in theatre and bring all those diggers who need to move around back to the main operating base.

“After 17 years of contributing to the Middle East, it’s fairly well ingrained how we move people and equipment around the region, so it’s imperative that we stay here and do that to help our troops on the ground.”

Corporal Allan ‘Sid’ Reitfma is an Aviation Technician and has completed six deployments to the Middle East as part of No. 37 Squadron.

“My first deployment was in 2009,” Corporal Reitfma said.

“Looking back over this time, not much has changed, our work rate is just as busy. The aircraft and our job as maintainers is the same.

“Our job is simple; keep the aircraft flying so Defence personnel and cargo can move in and out of different operational theatres.

“The only major difference is the number of aircraft that has fluctuated over that time and until now based on operational needs and tempo.”

This article was published by the Australian Department of Defence on April 27, 2020.

Featured Photo: Leading Aircraftman Clement Mau works on the engine of the C-130J Hercules at Australia’s main operating base in the Middle East. Photo: Leading Seaman Craig Walton

Exercise Arctic Edge

U.S. Army soldiers assigned to Company B, 70th Brigade Engineer Battalion, participate in a ground attack exercise during U.S. Northern Command’s Exercise Arctic Edge 20 at Ft. Greely, AK, Feb. 26, 2020.

The U.S. military has the ability to rapidly deploy and operate in the Arctic and the U.S. Northern Command, supported by the Services, is fundamentally committed to the ability of the joint force to defend Arctic approaches and vital interests in the region.

02.26.2020

Video by Staff Sgt. Diana Cossaboom

4th Combat Camera Squadron

The View from the Hill: Boris Johnson and Covid-19

05/14/2020

By Kenneth Maxwell

Boris Johnson’s family has since 1951 owed the 500 acre West Nethercote Farm near the Exmoor village of Winsford in West Somerset. He spent much of his childhood there.

Winsford is quite close to where l live on my hill.

It is located further up the River Exe. 

Boris learnt fox hunting at West Nethercote Farm. Winsford is very close to the village of Huish Champflower where my mother was head teacher at the village school between 1939 and 1945. I spent my very early years there after 1941 and was christened in the village church.

At Winsford the villagers are very protective of the Johnson family.

This is not surprising.

Communities are isolated here, rural, and long established, especially on Exmoor.

But at times they contain families that are surprisingly cosmopolitan like the Johnson’s.

Sir Raymond Carr lived and fox hunted in North Devon and West Somerset.

He was a distinguished historian of Spain. I once saw Raymond Carr proclaiming in his large voice to the ticket clerk that he was on his way to Bolivia at the TIverton Parkway railway station. l had met him previously in Rio de Janeiro on his way to Bolivia in 1967. He had just been appointed to be the first professor of Latin American history at Oxford. A friend who worked at the British Embassy in Rio had been his student at Oxford and invited me to a dinner to meet him. He never got to Bolivia that time as his plane or his manuscript was lost on the way and he returned to England instead. At least that was what we were told.

But Carr was (in)famous at Oxford for his party giving. He also drank famously and prodigiously. He was for many years the warden of St Antony’s College. He died in 2015 at the age of 96.

Like the Johnson family he was evidently bipolar in his living arrangements.

Boris also likes an adoring crowd.

At his first appearance in the House of Commons on Monday this week following his own near death encounter with the Covin-19 virus, Mr Johnson cut a very lonely figure facing a largely deserted and “virtually” enabled chamber with members channelling in their questions from their constituencies via large video screens.

There is nothing as unforgiving as a near empty House of Commons.

On the opposition benches facing him was Sir Keir Starmer recently elected to be the new leader of the Labour Party.

He subjected the prime minister to a calm and forensic interrogation of his plans to relax the coronavirus lockdown which he had just announced in broad outline the evening before in a prerecorded televised address to the nation where he announced that the slogan of “Stay at Home” would be dropped and replaced by “Be Alert”.

Sir Keir Starmer is a very skilled lawyer.

He is named after the first parliamentary leader of the Labour Party, Keir Hardy.

My grandfather knew Keir Hardy well in the days of the Independent Labour Party during the early 1920s and often hosted his visits to the West Country. Keir Starmer became a Queen’s Council (QC) in 2002 and was from 2008 to 2013 the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and head of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS).

He was knighted in 2014, and was elected as the MP in 2015 for Holborn and St. Pancras in London. Subsequently he served as the Labour Party’s Shadow Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union.

His experience showed as he questioned the prime minister. Bluster and tub thumping and arm gesticulating from Bo-Jo did not go far without a live audience to cheer him on.

He looked tired and deflated. It was evident even before he stood up to make his statement in the House of Commons that he had only succeeded the night before in thoroughly muddying the waters and he had created a divisive messaging muddle. Not surprisingly the insouciant leader of the House, the ineffable Jacob Rees Mogg, found the “virtual” Parliamentary proceeding without the “cut and thrust” of debate unsatisfactory, and said on Wednesday that the MPs should swiftly return to their old ways within “the next few weeks” and “set an example.”

The Speaker of the House of Commons, Sir Lindsay Hoyle, reprimanded Rees Mogg: “My priority and the priority of all, l’m sure, is to ensure that those on the estate are safe while business is facilitated…nothing in the Leaders’s announcement changes the position on social distancing in and around the Chamber…”

The truth is that Britain has the worst death rate in Europe from coronavirus.

The Conservative ministers say comparisons can be misleading.

They certainly can be. Russia’s statistics cannot be relied upon.  Neither can Iran’s. And China initially covered up and obfuscated and has since launched an aggressive self defence of its response to the coronavirus pandemic. But then Boris Johnson’s communications director in Downing Street, Lee Cain, once dressed up as a chicken when he was a journalist working at the “Daily Mirror” in order to humiliate David Cameron and other conservative politicians for ducking questions in the run up to the 2010 general election. He then went on to head broadcast for the “vote leave” campaign.

Piers Morgan the irascible cohost of “Good Morning Britain” (GMB), the popular daily breakfast talk show on ITV, could not resist playing a clip of the Lee Cain dressed as a chicken when blasting the Health Secretary of State, Matt Hancock, for refusing to be interviewed on GMB despite accepting invitations from the BBC:

Piers Morgan said it was a “pathetic & cowardly response to THEIR shameful incompetence.”

Piers Morgan who is a former editor of the “Daily Mirror” has also fallen out with his former friend Donald Trump. In the US Morgan had hosted an interview program on CNN and in 2008 he won the seventh season of Trump’s “US Celebrity Apprentice” TV show. He interviewed Trump in Churchill’s war room under Whitehall during Trump’s state visit to Britain. But he had critiqued Trump’s response to the pandemic in the USA and Trump “de-twittered” him

Britain has the second worse rate of covid-19 deaths in the world after the United States, if one ignores how places like Communist China do their counting,

And that it has a raging covid-19 death rate in old people’s homes which could and should have been avoided if testing and protective equipment (PPE) had been available for care home staff and if Britain had initiated its lockdown sooner.

The National Health Service (NHS) which is at the front line of fighting the virus, and which had just saved Johnson’s life, was revealed to have been underfunded and underprepared. This despite a three day test run in October 2016, “Exercise Cygnus”, which had warned that the NHS could not cope with a pandemic. It’s conclusions were kept secret. And a 2019 review of biological preparedness was cancelled because of MPs concentration on BREXIT and preparations for the December general elections.

It is now obvious that despite the Covid-19 outbreak in China in December, its ravaging impact in northern Italy and in Spain, that Britain began its lockdown far too late.

From December 26, 2019, until January 8th, 2020,  Mr Johnson and his girl friend, Carrie Symonds, were holidaying on the island of Mustique, once upon at time the late Princess Margaret’s favourite Caribbean bolt hole with her much younger boyfriend Roddy Llewelyn. On his return from Mustique (the financing of his holiday seems to have been arranged by a well healed Tory Party donor) Boris Johnson holed up at Chequers, the PM’s country house retreat, where he spent the entire parliamentary recess, evidently taking care of personal matters such as his divorce and potential remarriage and his and Carrie’s prospective new baby preparations.

He did not attend five consecutive meetings of Cobra, the government’s emergency management committee, between late January and February 2020. He was accused at the time of being a “part time prime minster” who according to one civil servant did not like to work at weekends.

The first notice of a previously unknown virus in Wuhan in eastern China was received in the World Health Organization’s (WHO) China office on December 31st 2019.

By March 19, 2020, deaths in Italy had surpassed those in China. On 23rd March Boris Johnson ordered the lockdown in Britain.

Meanwhile in the United States in late January and February care homes in Kirkland in the eastern suburbs of Seattle were becoming the epicentre of a corona virus outbreak. On March 19th 2020, 129 cases of Covin-19 had been registered, and had killed 81 residents, 34 staff and 14 visitors.

There was no excuse not to have known and much less not to have acted.

Mr Johnson’s televised address to the nation (actually to the four nations that compose the UK, that is England, Scotland, Wales and Northen Ireland) had added to the confusion.

Even before he stood up to speak it was by then clear that neither Scotland, nor Wales, nor Northern Ireland, would follow his new mandate.

They all chose to stick with the “stay at home” message, and they all thought the easing of the “stay at home” message was premature and risked provokIng a second and more deadly spike in corvid-19 infections such as had occurred  in 1918 flue pandemic. As the heads of the governments of devolved administrations they had the legal authority to do so.

And to add insult to injury they had learned of Mr Johnson’s policy changes from the daily newspapers.

The Scottish nationalists, under first minister, Nicola Sturgeon, were only to glad to be seen as putting Scotland‘s interest first. She has said categorically that the “stay at home” advice still holds.

The Welsh government headed by Mark Drakeford and which is controlled by Labour said that “our advice has not changed. You should stay at home. Coronavirus has not gone away. You should stay local and stay safe.”

The Northern Ireland executive’s first minister Arlene Foster of the DUP which had previously exercised disproportionate power at Westminster during the hung Parliament where the DUP’s 10 votes sustained the Tory Party in power, had been royally shafted by Boris Johnson after his victory in the general election, has also declined to change its advice and is supported by the Sinn Fein’s deputy first minister in the restored northern Ireland power sharing administration. Sinn Fein also gained seats in the recent elections across the border in the Irish Republic and exercises much more influence in Dublin than it did before. “

Brexit” Boris was facing a very disunited United Kingdom.

And not everyone was happy in England.

Manchester has seen a large number of deaths from covid-19, and the mayor, the former Labour cabinet minister of health, Andy Burnham, has called on the prime minister to publish localized “R” numbers amid concerns that dropping the “stay at home” message this weekend came too soon for the North West.

And in South West England Boris Johnson’s relaxation of travel restrictions was received with dismay.

The area has the lowest rate of covid -19 deaths in England, but it is a holiday destination for thousands of tourists from other parts of the country and there a many “second” homes in Devon and Cornwall.

It is also an area almost entirely “ blue” that is all the MPs are conservatives with the exception of one labour MP in Exeter and one in Plymouth.  Selaine Saxbe the MP for North Devon said that the use of second homes and mini-breaks was “unacceptable.”

And the leader of the Devon County Council, the Conservative councillor, John Hart, despite the economic cost to the area has long urged that holiday makers “stay away and come back later.”

During the 1918 flue pandemic in those cities where restrictions were lifted early all saw a second and much more deadly wave of infections and deaths take place.

Where restrictions remained in place the second wave was much less devastating.

Without testing and tracing, something the British have been woefully behind on compared to Germany and South Korea, and with no restrictions on entry into the country imposed (though now apparently they are being contemplated for some time in the future) in stark contrast to New Zealand and Australia,

Boris was both too late and now he is acting too soon.

And as of Wednesday this week he has banished the graphs showing Britain’s place in the league tables of international infections and of deaths.

As if hiding the graphs will hide a potential and unfolding catastrophe.

Featured Photo: In Parliament, rhe prime minister was urged to treat the cost of the pandemic like “wartime debt” to be paid off over decades. EPA

Source: The London Times

 

Extending the Reach of the Kill Web: The US Navy Works with Allies on the Maritime Patrol Enterprise

05/13/2020

By Robbin Laird

In our last interview with Rear Admiral Garvin, we focused on how the P-8 / Triton dyad was reshaping the approach of the airborne element of the anti-submarine network.

We spoke at length about how the Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Force (MPRF) could be recast into interactive webs that will empower more effective strike at the most critical point of attack.

In effect, what we see coming in the Pacific and in the Atlantic are interactive sensor webs that extend the reach of core platforms and their onboard sensors. 

The fusing of multiple sensors via a common interactive self-healing web enhances the ability of the entire force, including key partners and allies, to cooperatively engage enemy targets in a time of conflict.

Interactive webs can be used for a wide range of purposes throughout the spectrum of conflict and are a key foundation for full spectrum crisis management. To play their critical role when it comes to strike, whether kinetic or non-kinetic, this final layer of the web needs to have the highest standards of protection possible.

As one analyst has put it: “The kill part of the web is crucial.

“However, there are many scenarios where the same web is needed, but for other purposes.

“The point is that the “web” facilitates alignment of sensing, C2, and actionable outcomes (i.e. – shooters of various types).”

The interactive webs enhance the reach of any platform within a task force and thus create synergy amongst non-contiguous assets that are combined against a specific threat.

Interactive webs also provide redundancy and depth for distributed operations and inherent resiliency and survivability that a convergent combat force simply will not have.

We started with a discussion of the reach of the maritime patrol enterprise by focusing on a way to conceptualize the way ahead for shaping an integrated distributed force.

If one conceptualizes the battlespace as layers of visuals placed one on the other, it becomes clear what is different in terms of leveraging the combat force within an interactive web.  The first layer would be the operational geography of the battlespace.

The second layer would be the threat elements most relevant to the blue force.

The third layer in the case of a maritime patrol enterprise would be commercial maritime shipping traffic.  Unlike air traffic, maritime traffic is very diverse, very large, and provides a key masking function for any adversary.

The fourth layer would be the laydown of blue assets, including the geographic distribution of allied forces in the region or area of interest. The fifth layer would then be where the P-8 / Triton dyad operates.

With such a schematic, it is quickly evident that if the U.S. Navy’s P-8 / Triton dyad is integratable with allied maritime patrol capabilities the reach of both the U.S. and allied interactive web capabilities is substantially enhanced.

It is also obvious that if key allies are not engaged then there are holes in the web structure which will either simply be gaps or need to be filled by other means.

In simple terms, it is clear that the United States and its allies must operate within a convergent set of interactive webs to shape a shared and actionable common operating picture.

The results will significantly empower a combined strike force and, even more importantly, inform decision makers about how to prioritize targets in a fluid combat situation.

There is a particular and often intellectually neglected part of this problem–the existence of offensive nuclear capability.  

As an example, in the Pacific there are three nuclear powers. Nuclear deterrence is woven throughout any considerations of conventional operations, so there is a clear need to add a strategic overlay of the battlespace, which considers potential consequences and focuses on making the right target decisions in a fluid battlespace. This “wildcard” should give pause to those who tout AI enabled kill chains.

Decision makers need to step back and consider that while more rapid destruction of targets is important, it must be guided by both tactical and strategic decisions with due regard not just to combat but political effects as well in full spectrum crisis management. Having men in the loop in airborne systems, like the MPRF can certainly contribute to target discrimination efforts.

We also considered the specific challenges of the US Navy working with allies in the maritime patrol enterprise.

For obvious reasons, we first focused on those allies who have already joined the P-8 / Triton dyad effort. 

We then discussed those allies who had not done so but are key partners in working interactive webs with the United States. Prior to highlighting that discussion, let me review who the P-8 / Triton partners are to date.

Australia is the only U.S. ally pursuing both the P-8 and the Triton. As a cooperative partner, similar to the F-35, they participated in the development of P-8A and Triton capabilities from the ground up with the USN.

The British have made a very welcome reentry into the Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance arena with the P-8 as well.

During recent visits to RAF Lossiemouth, I saw the program being stood up in Scotland, and they were doing it in such a way that other P-8 partners would be supported as well.

At Lossiemouth I discussed the new infrastructure with key RAF officials responsible for the effort, and that interview will be published later but the key role of standing up new infrastructure to support this effort is crucial to handle the new data rich airplanes, as well as the work with allies in operating the assets.

Having visited Norway earlier this year and having discussed among other things, the coming of the P-8 and the F-35 in Norway, it is clear that what happens on the other side of the North Sea (i.e., the UK) is of keen interest to Norway.

And talking with the RAF and Royal Navy, the changes in Norway are also part of broader UK considerations when it comes to the reshaping of NATO defense capabilities in a dynamic region. The changes on the UK side of the North Sea are experiencing the standup of a P-8 base at Lossie, which will integrate with US P-8 operations from Iceland and with those of Norway as well.

In effect, a Maritime Domain Awareness highway or belt is being constructed from the UK through to Norway.

A key challenge will be establishing ways to share data and enable rapid decision-making in a region where the Russians are modernizing forces and expanded reach into the Arctic.

The Pacific partnership is being expanded as well with the addition of South Korea.

In 2018, the South Korean government announced that would purchase six of the aircraft.  They are thereby joining India, which has its own systems configured on the aircraft. India first P-8I squadron was stood up at Rajali in November 2015.

The Indian Navy operates its entire fleet of eight P-8I maritime patrol aircraft from Rajali and the Indian government announced last year that they intended to buy 10 additional P-8s.

With regard to the P-8 / Triton partners, Rear Admiral Garvin highlighted the opportunities for co-learning, which are generated from common training that occurs at VP-30 and the Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Weapons School at NAS Jacksonville, Fl.

He highlighted the famous quote, “You cannot surge trust.”

The working relationships built during high-end tactical training carry over into operations whereby a global community of operators can share operational experience and enrich development of the enterprise.

“My first international visit upon taking command was to Australia, leadership there referred to our working relationship as “mateship.”

“This term accurately describes the collaborative nature of our partnership and demonstrates its importance to ourselves and the rest of the world.”

“We have built similar relationships on varying scales, all around the world.

“These relationships serve as force multipliers, which opens the door to cooperatively leverage technology to deliver networked sensors and a shared understanding of the decisions and options we share across the extended battlespace.”

“Our allies understand the fundamental nature of their region better than we do.

“If you have properly maintained these important working relationships, both interpersonal and technological, then you will have access to the cultural knowledge and human geography that might otherwise would not be available to you.

“We become stronger interactively with our allies by sharing domain knowledge to operate across a wider geographical area.”

“In effect, we are shaping kill web “matesmanship.”

“We clearly have closer relationships with some allies than with others, which shapes policy and data sharing. However, the technology is now out there which can allow us, within the right policy framework, to provide data at appropriate security levels much more rapidly than in the past.

“Our policy frameworks simply need to catch up with our technologies.”

“History has shown us that it is infinitely more difficult to sort out our working relationships in times of intense conflict.

“Those partnerships need to be nurtured and exercised now to help shape our interactive webs into a truly effective strike force over the extended battlespace.”

For Rear Admiral Garvin, working with partner and allied maritime patrol partners is crucial, even when those close partners are operating different platforms.

For example, Japan indigenously developed their own replacement aircraft for its legacy P-3s. He highlighted the healthy sharing arrangements the U.S. Navy has with the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force in the MDA area.

Similarly, we enjoy a very close relationship with Canada, who operates a significantly modernized P-3, the CP-140 Aurora. He noted that the aperture for increased cooperation with India was opening up as well, a process which he clearly welcomed.

As Rear Admiral Garvin put it: “Put simply, the idea of partners and allies sharing in the web you describe must have, at its core, that underlying, underpinning relationship built upon trust.

“Sometimes buying the same kit does make it easier. But without that relationship it doesn’t matter if you bought the exact same kit.”

Featured Photo: Officer Commanding No. 92 Wing, Royal Australian Air Force, Group Captain Darren Goldie, alongside the ATM-84J Harpoon loaded on the P-8A Poseidon at Marine Corps Base Hawaii, during RIMPAC 2018.

Also, see the following:

Visiting RAAF Edinburgh: An Update on the Aussie P-8 Enterprise

Standing up the P-8/Triton Maritime Domain Strike Enterprise in Australia: Visiting RAAF Edinburgh

The Return of ASW: The Canadian Perspective

Enhancing Northern Tier Defense: The UK and Norway Prepare for the Coming of the P-8

The UK and Norway Shape Enhanced Cooperation for ASW Operations in the North Atlantic

 

 

 

 

What Happened to the Charles DeGaulle Aircraft Carrier in COVID-19?

By Pierre Tran

Paris – A lack of ministerial coordination and sharing of information lay behind a two-day delay in recalling the Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier while the crew were stricken by Covid 19, the minister of the armed forces told parliamentarians.

Florence Parly appeared respectively May 11 and 12 before the lower and upper houses of parliament in the wake of a public row over recall of the French flagship, at a time when the virus had attacked more than 1,000 crew and personnel.

Faulty communications lay in commanders detecting April 5 signs of the virus on board, while the joint chiefs of staff and the minister were informed April 7, she said.  When Parly received the information, she ordered recall of the carrier task force, she said.

In response to a parliamentary question, Parly said she had read an open letter from the defense journalists association, which pointed up a lack of reliable and timely information from the ministry over the virus crisis. A meeting is to be held in the week of May 11 between press officers and the press club, she said.

The officers sailing the ship made mistakes in assessing the spread of the virus, but there was no “fault,” on their part, Parly told May 11 the defense committee of the lower house National Assembly.

The minister has asked the joint chiefs of staff to make recommendations on improving communications in the light of those errors.

“In the light of information that we have today — I insist on the word today — there were mistakes in the assessment of measures in the fight against coronavirus,” she told parliamentarians. The error was to treat the virus like the H1N1 flu which had hit the carrier in 2009, and to continue the mission while the infection was on board.

“Coronavirus is not H1N1 flu,” she said.

“The second lesson that I would like to submit relate to failings in coordination and sharing of information between the various chains of command, and at different levels within these commands,” she told the parliamentarians.

“These chains were too narrow, with information transmission too slow and partial,” she said. There was insufficient dialog between the actors, which denied the sharing of analysis of the situation.

In her remarks to senators, Parly said the virus had already boarded the capital ship  before the vessel sailed to Brest, northwest France, March13-16. The visit to that naval base speeded up the spread of the illness but was not the source, she said.

France entered a strict lock down midday March 17, with conditions eased May 11.

The carrier task force sailed out of Toulon January 21, conducted operations in Iraq and Syria, and called in February 21-26 at Limassol, Cyprus, she said.

After sailing from Cyprus, the carrier received personnel and equipment, with flights from Sicily, the Spanish Balearic islands, Spain, and Portugal, she said.

The carrier was effectively a “floating airport,” she said.

It was between the visit to Cyprus and Brest that the coronavirus boarded the warship, the medical enquiry noted. Parly pointed up the confined space, with cabins sleeping between 10 to 40 sailors, and narrow corridors and stairwells.

“Space is a luxury,” she said.

The carrier  was designed in the 1980s and built in the 1990s, while the Chevalier Paul air defense frigate was designed in the mid-2000s and entered service in 2011, with four sailors to a cabin, she said. There was a lower incidence of the virus on the frigate compared to the carrier, which had an “old design,” she said.

After Cyprus, the officers and medical team on board ordered masks and antiseptic gel as a precautionary measure, confident the virus could be avoided and sail on  operations in the Atlantic and North Sea.

That confidence was overblown.

The Brest visit, seen as needed for crew morale, logistics, and presenting the carrier for the first time in 10 years, speeded up spread of the infection, the medical enquiry showed. After the port call, the commanders ordered a protective confinement, which slowed down the virus, she said.

But that confinement sapped crew morale, leading the commanders March 30 to ease restrictions, and allowed group briefings, sports, and a concert on board.

“Yes, there certainly were errors, but the inspections have not noted fault,” she said.

The first clear sign of the virus on board was an officer showing April 5 positive on a test for Covid 19. The officer had visited Denmark March 30.

April 5 also marked more sailors than usual turning up at the sick bay. That sparked the return of strict isolation for the crew and personnel, and April 6 three sailors flown back to France for medical care.

Parly said she last week informed European counterparts of the reports and France would share the medical information with allies.

The findings were based on three enquiries conducted separately by the joint chiefs of staff, navy, and military medical service, which submitted their reports at the end of last week.

Parly has asked the joint chiefs of staff to propose changes in the various command chains, which will be applied to all the services and sectors. There was also need for better communications with the crew, which stayed in close touch with families. The families received information during the national lock down, some of which was false, she said.

“We need to communicate better, relying on detailed and instructive information,” she told senators. The official reports would be published after the senate committee hearing, she added.

The need for communications was clear.

It was “unthinkable” the ministry could fail to know there were dozens, maybe 100s of sailors, stricken with the virus on board the flagship carrier, dubbed “42,000 tons of diplomacy” and part of the French nuclear deterrent, Le Point weekly magazine reported.

The featured photo: The French Marine Nationale aircraft carrier FS Charles de Gaulle (F 91) is seen transiting the Red Sea, April 15, 2019.  (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Skyler Okerman)