An Update on European Defense Industrial Generated Systems: January 2020

01/12/2020

Pierre Tran

Paris

Industrial partners Airbus and Dassault Aviation last month cut an offer to between €7 billion-€8 billion ($7.8 billion-$8.9 billion) from a previous price tag of some €10 billion, to win a production contract for a European medium-altitude long-endurance drone, an industry source said Jan. 9.

The partners slashed the price of their bid to build a twin-engined unmanned aerial vehicle after the four client nations — France, Germany, Italy and Spain — made it clear the initial price tag was too high, the source said.

Airbus is prime contractor, with French Dassault and Italian Leonardo as partners.

The new price is seen as acceptable and opens the debate on who and how an announcement will be made, the source said.

The program manager, European agency OCCAR, or the French arms procurement, Direction Générale de l’Armement, could announce the deal, the source said. Another possibility was for industry to make an announcement.

The DGA declined comment.

Industry presents the UAV as one of the key cooperative projects to boost European arms capability and boost autonomy. France has made it clear that a big price cut was needed to secure the deal.

“There is a major problem on price,” said a Nov. 21 parliamentary report from French senators Cédric Perrin and Hélène Conway-Mouret.

“It appears that there is a spread of close to 30 percent between the price set by the client states, in view of the specifications set in 2017, and the price offered by industry,” said the report on the 2020 budget from the committee for foreign affairs, defense and the armed forces.

In view of a price too high, the partner nations might buy a foreign UAV off the shelf and install a national payload, the report said. That might spark opposition but the fact was that the price sparked sharp debate.

“Industry and the DGA must reach an agreement before the end of the year, otherwise the program will be compromised,” the report said.

An offer has been submitted to OCCAR, Eric Trappier, chairman of GIFAS, the French trade association for aeronautics and space, said at the new year press conference.

“This is a major contract,” which will cover research and development, production and delivery, he said. The project might interest other European nations, he added.

There had been many meetings for negotiations all through 2019, he said, adding that it was important for Europe to acquire this equipment, which he hoped would be backed by financial support from the planned European Defense Fund.

Meanwhile, there was close prospect of a contract for a technology demonstrator for a New Generation Fighter, a key element in the Future Combat Air System.

“Call me an optimist, but the contract for the first phase should be signed in the next few days,” he said.

“We are in the process of notification. There is no problem.”

That was a deal which should have been sealed in 2019, as industry had submitted an offer in June, he said.

Work started in the last quarter of last year to bring Spain into the fighter project and engineers in the three partner countries — France, Germany and Spain — should start soon, he said.

A budget for the development project had yet to be agreed, he said.

The new fighter is due to operate in 2040, with the demonstrator expected to take off in 2026.

“We are right at the beginning,” he said. That is of “fundamental” importance as there was not a program if there was not a start, he added.

Trappier said he constantly told the DGA there was need to build a demonstrator, to cut risk to the program. Such a de-risking could not be done simply on paper and required “the reality of flight” to test the technology.

Now it was time to “mobilize” the budget, energies, and agree the industrial work share, he said. Cooperation between Airbus and Dassault — the lead industrial partners — was not easy but they managed, he added.

It was also important to factor in the supply chain in France, Germany and Spain.

On a new engine for the fighter, Safran and MTU said in a Dec. 3 joint statement the partners had agreed the French company would be prime contractor. The agreement resolved an attempt by the German partner to take a leading role on the project.

The pact referred to the letter of intent signed in February 2019 which said Safran would take the lead in engine design and integration, with MTU leading in engine services.

“In the framework of the contractual scheme defined by France and Germany, Safran Aircraft Engines will be the prime contractor and MTU Aero Engines the main partner for the first phase of research and technology (Phase 1A),” the joint statement said.

The two companies will set up a 50/50 joint venture by the end of 2021 for development, production and service of the new engine.

On the proposed €13 billion for the European Defense Fund, that amount might fall as the overall multi-year budget of the European Union will shrink with the departure of the UK, Trappier said.

France and Germany said in a joint statement at the Oct. 16 bilateral summit in Toulouse, southwest France, the two nations reaffirmed their support for industrial cooperation, in particular the Next Generation Weapons System/Future Combat Air System and Main Ground Combat System programmes.

The latter refers to a system of systems comprising a new tank and a network of manned and unmanned land vehicles.

The photo is from 2018 and shows a full scale model of the proposed European medium-altitude long-endurance drone.

According to an article by Mike Ball published on April 30, 2018: “Airbus Defence and Space has announced that, in conjunction with Dassault Aviation and Leonardo, it has unveiled the first full scale model of the European Medium-Altitude Long-Endurance Remotely Piloted Aircraft (MALE RPAS) at the 2018 ILA Berlin Air Show.

“The unveiling of the full scale model and the reaffirmed commitment of the industrial partners to jointly develop a sovereign solution for European Defence and Security comes after a nearly two-year definition study launched in September 2016 by the four participating nations, Germany, France, Italy and Spain, and follows the Declaration of Intent to work together on a European MALE unmanned aerial system signed by the countries in May 2015.”

Also see the following report which brings together the articles by Pierre Tran, based in Paris, published in 2019 on Second Line of Defense.

A PDF Version of the report can be read below:

Updates from Pierre Tran 2019

An e-book version of the report can be read below:

 

 

B2 Bomber

01/08/2020

The B-2 Spirit is a multi-role bomber capable of delivering both conventional and nuclear munitions.

A dramatic leap forward in technology, the bomber represents a major milestone in the U.S. bomber modernization program.

The B-2 brings massive firepower to bear, in a short time, anywhere on the globe through previously impenetrable defenses.

11.18.2019

Video by Staff Sgt. James Richardson

Secretary of the Air Force Public Affairs

Perspectives on French and European Defense Policies: 2019

01/07/2020

During the past year, Pierre Tran, based in Paris, has provided our readers with insights on the evolution of French and European defense policies.

The series of articles has provided insight into how the Macron Administration has been addressing European defense policy as well, as in the case of Australia, its Pacific policy as well.

We have brought together in one report, the various articles by Pierre Tran which we have published over the past year.

The table of contents for the report can be seen below:

A PDF Version of the report can be read below:

Updates from Pierre Tran 2019

An e-book version of the report can be read below:

Also, see the following:

President Macron’s Economist Interview: Reactions and Implications

French Arm Their Reaper UAVs: Conduct a Strike in Mali

By defenceWeb

France has for the first time conducted an air strike with one of its Reaper unmanned aerial vehicles in Mali, days after guided bombs were added to the aircraft.

The French military said the strike took place after an operation during the night of 20/21 December that saw French troops neutralising 33 jihadists in the central Malian region of Mopti. The Reaper strike took place on 21 December during a follow-up operation, killing seven fighters. A Mirage 2000 was also used to support ground troops.

French Reapers carried out a firing campaign from Niamey air base in Niger between 15 and 17 December, with four evaluation drops carried out using GBU-12 laser-guided bombs.

France operates three Reaper block 1 UAVs from Niamey and two more from Cognac.

“The armed drones will considerably improve the security of our soldiers on the ground and will strengthen our means in the face of an increasingly fleeting enemy (…) The pressure on armed terrorist groups will only be greater,” said French defence minister Florence Parly in December.

France’s Reapers are first being armed with four GBU-12 laser-guided bombs, already fitted to the Mirage 2000s deployed in the Sahel, and then towards the end of 2020 with Hellfire air-to-ground missiles.

This article was published by defenceWeb on January 7, 2019.

 

 

Nigeria Builds Out Maritime Capacity in 2020

By defemceWeb

The Nigerian Navy (NN) plans to take delivery of 41 new vessels in 2020, including patrol boats, interceptors and a hydrographic survey vessel.

In mid-December, the Nigerian Navy’s head of policy and plans Rear Admiral Beegroy Ibe-Enwo said it will receive new vessels from France, Malaysia, Vietnam and local manufacturers, adding to the 42 patrol boats and other vessels acquired in 2019.

Ibe-Enwo said the new acquisitions include a 60 metre OSV 160 hydrographic survey vessel from France’s Ocea, two 40 metre fast patrol boats from Damen Shipyard in Vietnam, four Manta class boats from Malaysia’s Suncraft, one helicopter from Italy (most likely an AW109) and 15 riverine patrol boats from Nigeria’s Epenal Group. The Nigerian Navy already has 20 18 metre Manta Mk III boats in service.

Ocea is also constructing two 35 metre FPB 110 fast patrol boats, a 24 metre FPB 72 fast patrol boat and four 17 metre C-Falcon interceptors for the Nigerian Navy, which has already received two FPB 110s, seven FPB 72s and a 35 metre FPB 98.

The Nigerian Navy is constructing its own vessels, and is busy with a third Seaward Defence Boat at the Naval Dockyard in Lagos State as well as two 500-ton self-propelled barges.

Earlier this month Vietnamese media reported that Hanoi-based James Boat Technology Company had delivered 50 composite patrol boats to Nigeria in mid-December 2019. They will be used for patrol, search and rescue and oil rig protection duties. Hong Ha Shipbuilding Company, meanwhile, received an order for ten 15 metre armoured patrol boats from Nigeria.

Naval acquisitions in 2019 included 20 riverine patrol boats, 20 rigid hull inflatable boats (RHIBs) and house boats. Earlier in December, the Nigerian Navy announced it had ordered an LST 100 landing ship from Damen, which is building the vessel at its facilities in the United Arab Emirates.

Maritime security continues to be a major issue in Nigeria, with numerous attacks against vessels in Nigerian waters. Rear Admiral Tariworio Dick, chief of training and operations, said 16 pirate attacks were reported from January to December 2019, with six successful and ten unsuccessful. “This is an improvement in comparison to the records for 2018 where a total of 34 pirate attacks were reported with nine successful and 25 unsuccessful.”

Dick said Nigeria’s oil and gas facilities and shipping is being threatened by piracy, sea robbery, crude oil theft, illegal oil bunkering, unregulated fishing, militancy and hostage taking, which is a major concern to the Navy. Several operations have been launched to combat these threats, with 378 illegal refineries destroyed in 2019, 62 speedboats impounded, 463 wooden boats destroyed and 275 suspects arrested.

This article was published by defenceWeb on January 6, 2020.

The featured photo show an Ocea FP 72 patrol boat.

 

Iranian Missiles in Iraq and the Killing of Soleimani

01/06/2020

By Debalina Ghoshal

A few weeks before the US killing of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) head, Maj Gen. Qassem Soleimani, there were reports that Iran was placing short range missiles in the chaotic Iraq to affirm its strategic position in the region.

Placing of short range missiles would have been a direct threat to US military presence in the Persian Gulf and Middle East in whole. Whether the killing of Soleimani would jeopardise US relations with Iraq and invite an attack by Iranian forces, is surely a matter to contemplate especially amid the Iranian missile presence in Iraq.

It is a known fact that Iran has been vying to gain regional supremacy in Iraq and many other parts of Middle East namely in Yemen. Iran’s major Middle East rival in Iraq had been Saudi Arabia while global rival has been the United States.

Approximately 5000 US troops were stationed in Iraq as of May 2019, and Iran backed militias have been trying their best to ensure that these troops leave the soil of Iraq sooner.

Placing of short range missiles became a tactical move to achieve a strategic aim- that is to make stationing of US troops in Iraq a costly affair for the United States.

President Trump a few months back assured that he did not want a war with Iran and that he was open for a dialogue.

However, with Iran placing its short range missiles in Iraq, there was surely pressure on Trump to deliver and also ensure that the US is able to place its cards well should there be any room for a dialogue.

The killing of Soleimani opens that door for the United States.

The United States was trying its best to make Iraq a “sovereign, independent” Iraq that is free of influence from its neighbours like Iran.

However, by placing missiles in Iraq, Iran was only solidifying its position in the country- a move completely unacceptable by the United States and also a move that the US knows is impossible without the support of IRGC.

By attacking IRGC, which is the main caretaker of Iranian missile forces, the United States is making it clear that it would not allow any military build-up by Iran backed forces in Iraq.

Though the missiles and their specifications were not mentioned, reports suggest that the missiles do have a range of approximately 1000kms that could easily reach US forward forces in the Middle East.

With this, Iran has strongly positioned itself to exploit the anti-government protests in Iraq- a move again that would have not been acceptable to the United States.

In addition, Iran backs the Hezbollah that also runs operations in Iraq. Iran has proliferated missiles to Hezbollah in Iraq operating collectively with factions of Popular Mobilization Forces that are Iran backed.

Should missiles fall into the hands of these factions loyal to Iran, they would ensure that US diplomatic and business missions in Iraq failed completely.

This is a threat the US cannot afford to avoid to deal with.

In fact, this is the reason why not just Soleimani but US killed top Iranian backed militia, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis- the pro-Iranian Shi’ite Kataib Hezbollah militia.

Kataib Hezbollah is backed by IRGC al-Quds Force whose commander was Soleimani.

The Kataib Hezbollah militia group had gained a lot of prominence and if they possessed missiles they would have surely performed deadlier attacks on US military bases in Iraq.

The US was already conducting “precision defensive strikes” that would degrade the ability of the militias to strike at Iraqi bases that were hosting forces of the Operation Inherent Resolve. With long range systems, the militia in future could target US forces in the Persian Gulf.

However, with the command of two crucial forces now gone, it could be difficult for the forces to regain the supremacy and tactical benefits they sought by going after US troops.

Both the leaders had their own charisma and ability to take robust decisions that will be difficult at the moment for any new commander to fulfil.

Does that mean that the US has paved its way to gaining regional supremacy in Iraq?

That question is too early to be answered at the moment.

One has to watch how Iran would respond to this move of the US, or if at all they would respond or just appoint another able commander to suit their needs.

Debalina Ghoshal is a Non Resident Fellow, Council on International Policy, Canada and an Asia Pacific Fellow, EastWest Institute

The featured  photo released on August 25, 2010, by the Iranian Defense Ministry, claims to show the launch of the Fateh-110 short-range surface-to-surface missile by Iranian armed forces, at an undisclosed location. (AP Photo/Iranian Defense Ministry,Vahid Reza Alaei, HO)

Also, see the following:

Lt. General (Retired) Deptula on the Soleimani Affair

And the following as well:

https://www.csis.org/analysis/iranian-missiles-iraq

iran-missiles-iraq.html

Deterring War With Iran

https://www.forbes.com/sites/davedeptula/2020/01/06/how-to-deter-war-with-iran-meeting-the-challenge/#66ce4c5b66dd

 

Disaster Resilience: Meeting the Challenge

By John Blackburn

As we deal with the ongoing bushfire disaster in Australia it is worth reflecting on the report the Department of Home Affairs National Resilience Taskforce did in 2018 on Australia’s disaster risk and vulnerabilities.

The aim of the report was to help understand where to prioritize collective efforts to reduce loss and harm across society.

It provides a frame to equip leaders at all levels to have a different conversation about disaster risk, so that together the actions and decisions we make can uphold public trust and confidence, reduce suffering and sustain a safe and prosperous nation.

Some of the vulnerabilities listed in the report are:

  • High levels of dependency and growing system interconnectedness;
  • Just-in-time supply, low levels of storage, hub and spoke distributions;
  • Single sources or lines of supply and few alternative sources;
  • Dependence on imports to meet demand (e.g. food, fuel);
  • High expectations of continuous ongoing supply;
  • Low tolerance for loss and disruption.

The inevitable Royal Commissions and Inquiries could do well to start with this report and reflect on their recommendations rather than reinventing the wheel.

national-resilience-taskforce-profiling-australias-vulnerability

The featured photo shows a firefighting helicopter tackles a bushfire near Bairnsdale in Victoria’s East Gippsland region, Australia. STATE GOVERNMENT OF VICTORIA

Editor’s Note: What can be learned as well is the challenge of dealing with crisis management in the broader sense as well.

The Challenges of Crisis Management: The ‘Phony War” as a Case Study