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The Norwegian Ministry of Defence website recently highlighted the visit of the US Secretary of Defense to Norway after the NATO Summit.
US Secretary of Defense James N. Mattis visited Norway on Saturday July 14th.
The United States is our closest and most important ally, and it is an honor to welcome Secretary Mattis to Oslo, said Minister of Defence Frank Bakke-Jensen in his statement.
During the press meeting Saturday, Minister of Defence Frank Bakke-Jensen thanked the Secretary of Defense James N. Mattis for the opportunity to discuss joint challenges and shared interests.
Minister of Defence Frank Bakke-Jensen’s stated:
Let me start by saying that it is an honor to welcome Defense Secretary Mattis to Oslo.
The United States is our closest and most important ally, and we have a strong and broad defence cooperation.
Our soldiers operate together in conflict areas around the world. And they increasingly work together in Norway and the North Atlantic.
We are very pleased with the rotational exercising of the US Marine Corps in Norway. This strengthens Norway and NATO.
The security environment is more serious. One consequence is that we must strengthen security in the North-Atlantic again. That is important for both European and North American security.
I therefore look forward to working with the U.S. on developing the new command structure in NATO, in particular the new Atlantic command in Norfolk.
Norway is committed to the two percent goal in NATO, and our new long term plan for 2021-24 will have this commitment as a key premise.
Norway has increased our defence spending by 24 % in real terms since 2013. We will continue to increase defence spending substantially in the coming years.
We are investing in strategic capabilities such as the new F-35 combat aircraft, submarines and P-8 maritime patrol aircraft.
Norway is NATO in the North – I believe the work we are doing in the North – on intelligence, surveillance, on deterrence and dialogue is not only important to Norway, it is also important to the US and to NATO.
Today we are exploring how to develop our defence cooperation even further. I look forward to continuing our bilateral talks, and will now pass the word to my colleague and good friend Jim Mattis.
The featured photo shows Minister of Defence Norway Frank Bakke-Jensen, Secretary of Defense James N. Mattis and Minister of Foreign Affairs Ine Eriksen Søreide.
Formed on 15 July 1943, at RAAF Base Laverton, Victoria, No. 37 Squadron has provided medium tactical airlift for the Australian Defence Force across the globe.
Since 1966, the Squadron has operated from RAAF Base Richmond, New South Wales, predominantly flying different models of the C-130 Hercules transport aircraft.
No. 37 Squadron is currently tasked with airlift in Australia and overseas, transporting troops and cargo, and conducting medical evacuation, search-and-rescue, and airdrop missions. It is controlled by No. 84 Wing, which is part of Air Mobility Group.
The squadron’s 75th anniversary is in 2018.
July 13, 2018
Australian Department of Defence
A formation of C-130J Hercules fly over Sydney Harbour as part of the 75th Anniversary of No. 37 Squadron. *** Local Caption *** Formed on 15 July 1943, at RAAF Base Laverton, Victoria, No. 37 Squadron has provided medium tactical airlift for the Australian Defence Force across the globe.
Since 1966, the Squadron has operated from RAAF Base Richmond, New South Wales, predominantly flying different models of the C-130 Hercules transport aircraft.
No. 37 Squadron is currently tasked with airlift in Australia and overseas, transporting troops and cargo, and conducting medical evacuation, search-and-rescue, and airdrop missions. It is controlled by No. 84 Wing, which is part of Air Mobility Group.
The squadrons 75th anniversary is in 2018.
A formation of C-130J Hercules fly along the New South Wales coast as part of the 75th Anniversary of the Squadron. *** Local Caption *** Formed on 15 July 1943, at RAAF Base Laverton, Victoria, No. 37 Squadron has provided medium tactical airlift for the Australian Defence Force across the globe.
Since 1966, the Squadron has operated from RAAF Base Richmond, New South Wales, predominantly flying different models of the C-130 Hercules transport aircraft.
No. 37 Squadron is currently tasked with airlift in Australia and overseas, transporting troops and cargo, and conducting medical evacuation, search-and-rescue, and airdrop missions. It is controlled by No. 84 Wing, which is part of Air Mobility Group.
The squadrons 75th anniversary is in 2018.
A formation of C-130J hercules fly over the Sydney region as part of the 75th Anniversary of No. 37 Squadron. *** Local Caption *** Formed on 15 July 1943, at RAAF Base Laverton, Victoria, No. 37 Squadron has provided medium tactical airlift for the Australian Defence Force across the globe.
Since 1966, the Squadron has operated from RAAF Base Richmond, New South Wales, predominantly flying different models of the C-130 Hercules transport aircraft.
No. 37 Squadron is currently tasked with airlift in Australia and overseas, transporting troops and cargo, and conducting medical evacuation, search-and-rescue, and airdrop missions. It is controlled by No. 84 Wing, which is part of Air Mobility Group.
The squadrons 75th anniversary is in 2018.
A formation of C-130J Hercules fly over Sydney Harbour as part of the 75th Anniversary of No. 37 Squadron. *** Local Caption *** Formed on 15 July 1943, at RAAF Base Laverton, Victoria, No. 37 Squadron has provided medium tactical airlift for the Australian Defence Force across the globe.
Since 1966, the Squadron has operated from RAAF Base Richmond, New South Wales, predominantly flying different models of the C-130 Hercules transport aircraft.
No. 37 Squadron is currently tasked with airlift in Australia and overseas, transporting troops and cargo, and conducting medical evacuation, search-and-rescue, and airdrop missions. It is controlled by No. 84 Wing, which is part of Air Mobility Group.
The squadrons 75th anniversary is in 2018.
A formation of C-130J Hercules fly over Sydney Harbour as part of the 75th Anniversary of No. 37 Squadron.
*** Local Caption *** Formed on 15 July 1943, at RAAF Base Laverton, Victoria, No. 37 Squadron has provided medium tactical airlift for the Australian Defence Force across the globe.
Since 1966, the Squadron has operated from RAAF Base Richmond, New South Wales, predominantly flying different models of the C-130 Hercules transport aircraft.
No. 37 Squadron is currently tasked with airlift in Australia and overseas, transporting troops and cargo, and conducting medical evacuation, search-and-rescue, and airdrop missions. It is controlled by No. 84 Wing, which is part of Air Mobility Group.
The squadrons 75th anniversary is in 2018.
With the anticipated announcement paralleling efforts in France and Germany, the UK government has announced its intention to build a Typhoon successor.
The initial investment was announced as two billion pounds and was launched as a UK national project.
But how realistic is this project as announced and in what strategic and military context will this project unfold?
We have provided a comprehensive look at the context and an assessment of the challenges in our report on the UK Air Combat Strategy, which can be purchased below:
With Brexit and the current European dynamics, how will the UK air combat strategy interact with European initiatives?
How will the UK leverage Typhoon and shape a post-Typhoon strategy?
How will the UK leverage the launch of its new carrier and the coming of the F-35 to shape a way ahead for a 21stcentury air combat strategy?
Will the new Air Combat Strategy live up to the legacy of Air Marshal Dowding and his focus on the right concepts of operations for the RAF to deal with evolving threats and challenges?
Which global partners might join this project and what manner?
In short, given the strategic context, how realistic is the project as announced?
For articles focusing on the UK strategy, see the following:
As expected, the UK Ministry of Defence has released a new Air Combat Strategy at the Farnbourgh Air Show.
In an article published on July 16, 2018, the UK Ministry of Defence announced the new strategy.
Announcing the publication of the new Combat Air Strategy at the Farnborough International Airshow, the Defence Secretary said he had taken action to strengthen the UK’s role as a global leader in the sector and to protect key skills across the UK industrial base.
He outlined the Strategy in front of the combat aircraft concept model which has been developed by UK industry in collaboration with the Ministry of Defence – being publicly unveiled for the first time, it acts as a powerful demonstration of the UK’s world leading technical capability and industrial expertise.
Defence Secretary Gavin Williamson said:
“We have been a world leader in the combat air sector for a century, with an enviable array of skills and technology, and this Strategy makes clear that we are determined to make sure it stays that way. It shows our allies that we are open to working together to protect the skies in an increasingly threatening future – and this concept model is just a glimpse into what the future could look like.
“British defence industry is a huge contributor to UK prosperity, creating thousands of jobs in a thriving advanced manufacturing sector, and generating a UK sovereign capability that is the best in the world.
“Today’s news leaves industry, our military, the country, and our allies in no doubt that the UK will be flying high in the combat air sector as we move into the next generation.”
For the last 100 years the UK combat air industrial sector has ensured the UK has been at the forefront of technological and engineering developments, delivering world leading capability to the RAF and our allies. This Strategy will ensure the UK continues to maintain this leading position.
The Strategy outlines the way in which the UK will acquire future Combat Air capabilities to maximise the overall value the UK derives from the sector. The framework will balance military capability, international influence, and economic and prosperity benefit along with the overall cost.
It reinforces the commitment in the 2015 Strategic Defence and Security Review to deliver the Future Combat Air System Technology Initiative (FCAS TI). The Government, in partnership with industry, is taking steps to grow existing world-leading design engineering capacity and skills, ensuring that the UK continues to be at the cutting edge of combat air technology.
The concept aircraft has been put together by British firms including BAE Systems, Leonardo, MBDA and Rolls-Royce, which have joined together with the RAF Rapid Capabilities Office to form ‘Team Tempest’ to pursue the opportunity.
Team Tempest brings together the UK’s world leading industry and sovereign capabilities across future combat air’s four key technology areas: advanced combat air systems and integration (BAE Systems); advanced power and propulsion systems (Rolls-Royce); advanced sensors, electronics and avionics (Leonardo) and advanced weapon systems (MBDA).
The MOD will now set up a dedicated team to deliver the combat air acquisition programme. They will deliver a business case by the end of the year, and have initial conclusions on international partners by next summer – with engagement with potential partners beginning immediately.
Early decisions around how to acquire the capability will be confirmed by the end of 2020, before final investment decisions are made by 2025. The aim is then for a next generation platform to have operational capability by 2035.
The UK is already a world-leader in the combat air sector, with a mix of skills and technologies unique in Europe, supporting over 18,000 highly skilled jobs. The sector delivers a turnover in excess of £6bn a year and has made up over 80% of defence exports from the UK over the last ten years.
Investment in combat air technology, combined with the strengths of UK industry, has resulted in the UK being the only Tier 1 partner with the US on the F-35 Lightning II programme, with British industry delivering 15% by value of every F-35 built. The UK has been able to help define the operational capabilities of the aircraft, while reinforcing UK industrial capability, critical skills and supporting wider economic prosperity.
The UK also continues to lead the way in combat air power as one of the four partner nations in the Eurofighter Typhoon programme. With more than 20,000 flying hours on deployed operations to date, the Typhoon delivers world leading capability, unparalleled reliability and proven interoperability with our allies. The MOD will continue to invest in the Typhoon for decades to come, with the best technologies being carried forward on to next-generation systems.
The F-35 Lightning II and the Typhoon are two complementary multi-role combat aircraft that will make up the RAF’s combat air fleet, placing the UK at the forefront of combat air technology – with the Typhoon expected to remain in UK service until at least 2040.
Chief of the Air Staff Air Chief Marshal Sir Stephen Hillier, said:
“The Combat Air Strategy will bring together the best of our people, industry and international partners to support the RAF lift-off into the next century of air power. Team Tempest demonstrates our commitment in ensuring that we continue to build our capabilities, draw upon our experience and history to bring forward a compelling vision for the next generation fighter jet. In last 100 years, the RAF has led the way and today’s announcement is a clear demonstration of what lies ahead.”
Charles Woodburn, Chief Executive of BAE Systems, said:
“The UK’s combat air capability, built by generations of committed and highly skilled people through a century long partnership between the RAF and industry, is admired the world over. The UK Government’s Combat Air Strategy is a powerful statement of intent to invest in next generation combat air systems. We’re proud to play a key role in this important programme, with our world leading technology, capability and skills, which will contribute to the UK’s defence and prosperity for decades to come.”
Warren East, Chief Executive Officer of Rolls-Royce, said:
“As the UK’s long-term power and propulsion partner, we warmly welcome the Government’s announcement of a Combat Air Strategy. The UK’s capability in combat air power and propulsion is at a critical point and this long-term commitment from Government will allow us to protect the expertise and key skills that are vital to retaining sovereign capability. It ensures that we are able to develop and deliver the advanced technologies that will be required in future combat air systems to help ensure our national security.”
Norman Bone, Chairman and Managing Director of Leonardo in the UK, said:
“As Britain’s national champion for advanced defence electronics, we are proud to be a part of Team Tempest. Work we have conducted under research and development programmes such as FOAS and FCAS has significantly advanced our thinking with regards to the complex electronics required for future air combat scenarios and we stand ready to support the future needs of the Royal Air Force. We are excited about the work that’s already been done, and the work still to do, on the FCAS TI programme and are all set for these activities to feed into the Typhoon successor programme.”
Chris Allam, Managing Director of MBDA UK, said:
“MBDA is proud to be providing its complex weapons expertise to the Team Tempest partnership. Delivering effects is central to next generation combat air systems, and we will continue to invest in developing our world leading complex weapons and novel technologies to ensure the UK retains sovereign operational advantage and freedom of action in Combat Air. The strong partnership (through the Portfolio Management Agreement) between MBDA and the MoD has already changed the paradigm for complex weapons developments in the UK, delivered world leading capabilities to the UK Armed Forces and provided savings in terms of both time and money. The Team Tempest partnership has the potential to do the same for Combat Air.”
The featured photo shows the Minister of Defence launching the new air combat strategy at the Farnbourgh Air Show. Credit: Crown Copyright
Under a new Prosperity Framework, the UK Government and Lockheed Martin will work together to identify new opportunities to generate value to the UK and to Lockheed Martin.
The Framework will work on the creation and exploitation of innovative ideas and technologies; strengthening supply chains; and supporting the development of the advanced manufacturing and technology sectors.
This will bring considerable benefits to the wider defence, aerospace and space sectors of the UK economy, creating and sustaining high-level technology jobs and skills in key industries.
Supported by investment of £38 million from Lockheed Martin, opportunities for potential collaboration will be identified across defence and commercial sectors including in autonomous systems, space, artificial intelligence, cyber security, electronic warfare and underwater technologies.
Defence Minister Guto Bebb said:
“Lockheed Martin’s commitment clearly demonstrates how they view the UK as a top country to work with, with our world-class defence industry, supported by powerhouse universities and a wealth of high-tech and innovative small businesses.
“As we look to our post-Brexit future, it is crucial that we create, develop and strengthen our relations with international partners across defence. Foreign investment in defence stimulates robust growth across a host of sectors in the British economy so this should be at the forefront of our international aspirations”
Lockheed Martin has been a partner in UK Defence for almost 80 years and currently adds £1 billion to the economy every year, supporting 1,000 suppliers (75% of which are SMEs) and 10,000 jobs. This mutually beneficial relationship provides the company with its second largest international market. Both the government and Lockheed Martin want this partnership to grow from strength to strength.
Rick Edwards, Executive Vice President for Lockheed Martin International said:
“We greatly value our partnership and see this agreement as a way to strengthen our relationship and help the UK to prosper. Our expertise in developing new technology like autonomous systems and exploring new frontiers like space will be invaluable in helping the UK to be a world leader in defence and aerospace”
Minister for Investment, Graham Stuart said:
“This partnership with Lockheed Martin, a major global defence company, is great news for the UK, and further reinforcement of this country’s position both as the European leader in technology and the number one foreign direct investment destination across the EU.
“This is a vote of confidence in the UK’s R&D capabilities, its innovative companies and a fantastic commitment from Lockheed Martin to support the development and expansion of their UK supply chain. It is also good news for current and future jobs in the sector whilst ensuring the UK can continue to develop its world leading defence and aerospace industries.”
Phillip Dunne’s independent review of the prosperity benefits that flow from defence, reinforced the importance of building strong relationships with companies such as Lockheed Martin. This Framework will drive growth and investment in the UK and develop technologies and capabilities which can be exploited for the benefit of defence, the 500,000 jobs it supports, and for the broader UK economy.
Initial objectives for the Prosperity Framework include:
Activities to assist UK companies to understand Lockheed Martin’s business, and technology roadmaps, enabling them to contribute to Lockheed Martin programmes worldwide.
Activities to improve the performance, resilience and competitiveness of UK supply chains, which will inform Government’s wider business and supply chain improvement initiatives.
Building on Lockheed Martin’s work with the UK Space Agency and £13 million investment to develop launch and small satellite capabilities.
Growth of the UK investment pipeline for LM Ventures, Lockheed Martin’s $200 million venture capital fund.
The featured photo shows Defence Minister Guto Bebb and Rick Edwards, Executive Vice President for Lockheed Martin International signing a new Prosperity Framework.
During my visit to MAWTS-1 shortly after the completion of their latest WTI course, I had a chance to talk with Marines involved in the WTI about their combat focus.
In the strategic shift, an adversary clearly has access to a variety of advanced combat capabilities and techniques.
In a session led by Captain Michael Jacobellis, the Ground-Based Air Defense Division head at MAWTS, we focused on the threats and efforts to prevail against those threats.
One of these is the ability to degrade the combat force of the Marines and to disrupt the combat rhythm to the adversary’s advantage.
Here the Marines were thrown a series of jamming and other EW challenges which disrupted their normal C2 and ISR data links and communication tools.
Clearly, part of that challenge is learning what is simply equipment malfunction versus a deliberate adversary disruptive strategy.
Part of it is learning to work with a diversity of targeting and communication tools to do work arounds when disruption comes.
Some of the new equipment is clearly designed to provide a combat advantage for the Marines, such as the new G/ATOR radar which provides targeting tracking information which can inform the air element as well as work with the ACE to provide redundant capabilities.
As one Marine noted with regard to G/ATOR: “We are working with a family of systems that will allow us to provide a recognized air picture across the entire MAGF so we can pass targeting data across the MAGTF as well.
“This system is the Composite Tracking Network or CTN.
“This was the first time we failed G/ATORS at WTI and they allow us through use of CTN to integrate all of the sensors together and empowers integrated fire control.”
The shift from counter-insurgency habits, equipment and operations is a significant one and is clearly a work in progress.
It is about shedding some past learned behavior as well in terms of shaping more appropriate ways to operate as a force in a contested tron warfare environment.
The cracking of the Enigma code in World War II by the allies involved in part German soldiers and sailors using techniques which exposed the enigma system to intrusive learning from the British and the other allies working to break the Enigma Code.
In today’s situation, the Marines are facing a similar situation in which a combination of technology and appropriate combat techniques in handling data in a combat environment is a key element of the combat learning cycle as well.
And disruptive technologies, which the adversary might use against the Marines, were being fielded to test the USMC approach.
One example is the use of multiple drones or UAVs against Marine Corps forces and testing various technologies and approaches to attenuating that threat.
The Marines are working closely with the US Army and this effort, and our visit earlier this year to Fort Sill highlighted progress, which the US Army is making with regard to fielding a new capability to deal with UAVs disrupting the battlespace.
Similar to the Army, the USMC is working new systems onto a combat vehicle to shape more effective ways ahead as well.
The USMC system is called L-MADIS or the Light Marine Air Defense Integrated System, which is designed specifically for counter UAS missions.
It is a two vehicle system which works the ISR data, and C2 links and delivers a counter strike capability against incoming UAS systems.
The L-MADIS system is very expeditionary and can be carried by MV-22s or C-130s.
The Army’s version is being built off of a Stryker vehicle, and the Marines off of a JLTV vehicle.
The same instinct is in play – use a core vehicle in use for the ground forces, shape a flexible management system on the vehicle and have modular upgradeable systems providing what BG McIntire at Fort Sill referred to as the “toys on top of the vehicle.”
In other words, combat learning can shape the systems being put onboard the vehicles and working commonality with the US Army can provide for a broader deployed capability dependent on how the force will operate or build up in an objective area.
The Marines are building the ground vehicle and systems infrastructure within which they can plug evolving counter-battery fires capabilities as those develop.
And clearly, they are looking at extended range as well for the counter-battery fire.
The C-RAM system of systems approach used in combat in the Middle East is being taken forward into the new phase of preparation for combat.
We argued earlier with regard to the combat learning from the Middle East Wars, that one needed to “harvest the best and the leave the rest.”
Clearly, one aspect of the combat learning has been that Army and Marine Corps ground forces need to tap into similar capabilities when they have them to provide for enhanced joint capabilities.
The C-RAM opportunity is clearly one of them.
And generally, active defense capabilities have been highlighted again within combat preparations. The Marines rely on an upgraded Stinger missile and are looking forward to the introduction of directed energy weapons, again working closely with the US Army.
In short, the shift is a significant one.
It is a work in progress but clearly the Marines are working to reshape the force to be a more effective one in a force-on-force battle with peer competitors.
And given the worldwide working relationships of Marines with key allies preparing for the similar transition, the Marines can both contribute to allied learning and to learn from those allies as well.
The featured photo shows an AN/TPS-80 Ground/Air Task Oriented Radar starting up at Marine Corps Air Station Cherry Point, N.C., Feb. 26.
The AN/TPS-80 will replace the AN/TPS-63 andreduces set up time from eight hours to 30 minutes for the system. Marine Air Control Squadron 2 recieved the first G/ATOR issued to the Fleet Marine Force following testing to improve the squadron’s readiness and expeditionary capabilities.
(U.S. Marine Corps photo by Lance Cpl. Ethan Pumphret)
New Delhi. The Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) competition for the Indian Air Force (IAF) has started afresh, this time at the Royal International Air Tattoo (RIAT) show in London where five of the six contenders in the fray will flutter their beautiful machines before the most important man of the moment, the Chief of Air Staff of the Indian Air Force (IAF) who has to pick one of them for a rather large order.
Air Chief Marshal Birender Singh Dhanoa is there July 9-15 at the invitation of the Royal Air Force (RAF) to mark its 100th Anniversary and Annual Air Power Conference, and not really to make any selection of an aircraft.
But his timely presence at the event does give an opportunity to the participants to showcase their technologies, and hope their powerful jets would catch the eyes and ears of his delegation.
With a declared requirement of 110 combat jets, India is the biggest buyer in the market now, and there is an unstated but understood requirement of another 100 to 200 aircraft once the production of the selected machine begins in India with Transfer of Technology and Manufacturing knowhow.
IAF Selection Process
Under the IAF procedures, while the nod of the Air Chief is crucial, the parameters are laid down by the Vice Chief of Air Staff (VCAS) and the selection process is executed by the Deputy Chief of Air Staff (DCAS).
Only after due diligence and flight trials carried by younger Wing Commander, Group Captain and Air Commodore level officers, does the file move upwards for technical qualifications and approval.
And then, the financial consideration is left to the managers in the Ministry of Defence (MoD). A Tender has to be submitted in two parts, Technical and Financial.
Royal International Air Tattoo
Held at RAF Fairford, Gloucestershire, the annual Royal International Air Tattoo (RIAT) is the biggest military aircraft show in the world. Combat jets, Transport aircraft, Helicopters, Unmanned systems are all there.
Proceeds from the show are given to the RAF Charitable Trust.
This year, the Air Tattoo is being held from July 13 to 15, while the Farnborough International Airshow (FIA) will begin a day later from July 16.
Foreign OEMs and Collaborations
In an interview with India Strategic, Air Chief Marshal Dhanoa officially confirmed that six vendors have responded to the Request for Information (RFI) issued by IAF on April 6.
He did not specify which ones, but they are understandably the same who took part in the 2007 competition for 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA).
The deadline for submissions after a three-month period was July 6. IAF now has to examine what is on offer, in terms of ToT and manufacturing capability, and then send the Request for Proposals (RfP), or tenders, to all or some of them, selected on the basis of their submissions.
Fifteen percent of the aircraft, meaning 16 or 17 machines, will be bought in flyaway condition and the rest will be gradually made in India by foreign Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEM) in collaboration with Indian companies.
The F 16 and Gripen are single engine aircraft, and the remaining four, twin engine.
Significantly, IAF would place orders only with the Indian entities, which would be expected to mature into self-sufficient aircraft or aerospace manufacturing industries.
That is the most important element of the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) 2016 stipulating Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Make in India programme.
Four OEMs have already announced partnerships; Boeing with Mahindras and HAL, Saab with Adani, Dassault with Reliance Defence and Lockheed Martin with Tata.
Newer Technologies
It’s been 10 years since the 2007 tender was floated, and as technologies have leapfrogged, the OEMs have added some newer elements in their combat machines.
Lockheed Martin for instance says its newer F 16 Block 70 shares some Electronic Warfare (EW) capabilities with its F 35 aircraft while Boeing is presenting the F 18 Advanced Super Hornet with extended range, better EW engagement and fuel efficiency.
The same for Swedish Saab Gripen E.
Rafale, which has already made its mark, is hoping for this order as also that of the Indian Navy’s for 57 shipboard fighters.
Besides these four aircraft, the others in the fray are European Consortium’s Eurofighter Typhoon and Russian Mig 35, a newer variant of IAF’s Mig 29.
IAF has done away with the classification ‘Medium’ as in the 2007 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft competition and its officials have stated that it is the onboard capabilities and ToT that would help determine the winner.
Another factor would be who helps in development of India’s own stealth Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA).
Notably, the 2007 tender was cancelled as Dassault, the selected manufacturer, declined to accept responsibility for the quality of production at India’s state-run HAL, which was mandatory.
The Government then bought 36 Rafales, or two Squadrons of 18 each, in flyaway condition to meet IAF’s urgent requirements along with infrastructure support at two airbases.
Their delivery is due to begin from September 2019.
Except for the Mig 35, all the other aircraft are taking part in the Air Tattoo.
Some of them will also fly across to the Farnborough International Air Show (FIA), opening on July 16. Both Civil and Military aircraft are showcased there.
Sixth Generation Aircraft
Informed sources tell this writer that at both the Air Tattoo and Farnborough shows, the Talk of the Town will be the futuristic 6th generation systems.
Nobody is clear yet what this aircraft would finally look like or what its capabilities would be.
But Lockheed Martin and Boeing have already been working on them, and there are reports now of the BAE Systems joining hands with Swedish Gripen to develop it for the European requirements after 2040, a long time away.
France hasn’t been behind, and its scientists are further developing on the capabilities of Dassault’s unmanned aircraft Neuron. But again, who knows what will be will be!
The Conference at Air Tattoo should touch the subject, and what comes out should be interesting.
Fundamentally, the 6th gen should be less about the platform’s own flight and more about the hypersonic delivery of its onboard missiles or laser weapons.
India is far away from considering acquisition of 6th generation assets. But the decision on the current requirement of 110 aircraft will have implications for IAF’s 5th Generation technologies.
Lockheed Martin’s F 35 has a mention in discussions with no firm commitments, while talks with Russia seem to be on and off due to Moscow’s reluctance to share engine technologies.
Nonetheless, in the current 4-plus generation competition, help in developing AMCA could give a winning edge to the one selected.
This article first appeared in India Strategic and is published with their permission.
At NATO’s summit, the heads of state will discuss security in and around the Black Sea.
No subject could be timelier for Russian threats and the capabilities needed to realize them are steadily growing.
Indeed, Moscow’s activities in and around the Black Sea appear to be part of a broader military strategy that has a substantial naval component that must be understood in that context.
Although the Navy is receiving the least spending of any Russian serviced through 2025 programs now in force demonstrate Moscow’s intention of striking at allied navies or restricting their access to critical waterways possessing significance for European security.
The first step was the conversion of the Black Sea into a Mare Clausus (closed sea) after 2014.
Since 2014 a sustained and unceasing buildup of Russian forces air, land, and maritime forces in Crimea and the Black Sea has gone far towards creating a layered A2AD (anti-access and area denial) zone in that sea although NATO has begun to react to the threat and exercise forces there.
That layered defense consists of a combined arms (air, land, and sea) integrated air defense system (IADS) and powerful anti-ship missiles deliverable from each of those forces.
Moscow has also moved nuclear-capable forces to the Crimea and Black Sea to further display its determination to keep NATO out.
It serves another purpose as well.
The objective is to use the umbrella it has created as the basis for an even more expansive strategy (resembling that used by the Egyptian Army in the Yom Kippur War of 1973 to cross the Suez Canal and attack Israeli forces) from which it can project power further out and deny those areas to NATO or at least threaten NATOI with heavy costs.
For example, in response to talk of NATO exercises, Andrei Kelin, a spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs labeled such exercises destabilizing and further added that, “This is not NATO’s maritime space and it has no relation to the alliance.”
Just recently, Russian defense establishment has announced that “Kalibr”(SS-N-27) ship-based missiles will be “permanently based“ in the Eastern Mediterranean, thus providing a capable and reliable reach for Moscow’s forces in the region.
Such missiles, with a range of up to 300 kilometers, give even older Russian vessels a sufficient offensive as well as defensive counter-punch to strike at naval or even shore-based targets.
Thus Moscow’s reinforcement of the Black Sea Fleet and surrounding forces enabled it to build a platform for denying NATO access to that sea, Ukraine, Russia, and the Caucasus and to serve as a platform for power projection into the Mediterranean and Middle East.
And since the intervention in Syria in 2015 Moscow has started to fortify the missile, air defense, and submarine component of its Mediterranean Eskadra (Squadron) to impart to it a capability for denying the Eastern Mediterranean area and access to it by NATO fleets in the Mediterranean.
These moves delineate a coordinated well-conceived sea denial strategy against NATO and other fleets in the Black and Mediterranean Seas.
This buildup not only interdicts foreign intervention in Syria’s civil war; it also places the entire Caucasus region along with Ukraine beyond the easy reach of NATO and Western air or military power.
It also allows Russia to surround Turkey from the North, East and South with Russian forces and capabilities that can inhibit any Western effort to come to Turkey’s aid, should another conflict – however unlikely at this point- flare up between Russia and Turkey.
Russia’s capabilities also include the naval and A2AD capacity in the Caspian and the deployment of Russian ships with Kalibr’ or other cruise missiles there, and the possibility of introducing nuclear-capable systems like the Iskander into the Baltic Sea – an already highly volatile theater – if not the Black Sea as well.
Russian threats go beyond this and clearly reflect a direct line between their threats in the Baltic and the Black Sea.
In the Baltic Sea recent Russian exercises revealed the Russian Navy operating with sovereign contempt for Sweden and Latvia’s exclusive economic zones, forcing a partial shutdown of local commercial air and naval traffic. This show of force representing Moscow’s contempt for the sovereignty of its neighbors and is habitual among Russian officials and military.
But it is not confined to the Baltic Sea.
In Ukraine, Moscow has built a bridge to unify Crimea with the rest of the Russian Federation that deliberately excludes the possibility of Ukrainian commercial vessels operating in the Sea of Azov.
Thus its activities combine both military with economic warfare. And Moscow has now on several occasions detained Ukrainian commercial vessels operating in the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov that are “internal waters” of Ukraine by force.
Beyond this the Black Sea Fleet has been deployed to protect Russia’s seizure of Ukrainian energy platforms, again combining these two forms of warfare.
But Russian vessels have also seized Ukrainian commercial vessels in the waters around Odessa and announced that it has the capability to mount amphibious operations against Odessa and Ukraine.
Finally, in June Moscow staged troop movements in areas of Moldova contiguous to the border with Ukraine that clearly showed the potential to attack Odessa from the land, as Moscow appeared to intend to do in 2014.
In this context, we should remember that in 2014 part of Moscow’s original invasion plan was to incite disturbances and an uprising in Odessa and then march in 2000 special forces troops then stationed at Tiraspol airport in Moldova, 80KM away, in order to seize the entire Ukrainian coast, and essentially torpedo Ukrainian statehood.
So clearly this threat has been resuscitated at least in the form of an intimated threat, combined with the maritime threats to the coastline and Odessa.
Beyond Ukraine, Romanian officials observe that having occupied Crimea and thus gaining direct maritime border with Romania, Moscow is also making incursions into Romanian territorial waters and threatening Romania’s vital energy platforms in and around the Black Sea.
Those platforms not only ensure Romania’s self-sufficiency in energy, they are also part of what could be a coordinated European response to M Moscow’s strategic use of the energy weapon..
Therefore these Russian threats generate considerable alarm among Romanian authorities who are increasingly anxious for NATO to upgrade its permanent presence in the Black Sea and assign as much importance to that area as NATO does to the Baltic.
In this case they have good reason for their anxiety given Moscow’s threats and the fact that most recent Russian deployments have gone here and against Ukraine rather than into the Baltic.
Thus throughout the Black Sea we see a similar Russian contemptuous attitude as in the Baltic Sea to the other littoral states’ sovereignty and direct threats to both Ukraine and Romania’s economies, territories, and overall security.
The resemblances between Moscow’s naval probes in these waters as it simultaneously seeks to forge a network of bases and permanent deployments across the Levant and the Mediterranean oblige NATO and Ukraine to take a hard look at the Black Sea and maritime security more generally.
Neglecting the Black Sea to concentrate on threats in the Baltic is neither sound strategy nor good policy and given NATO’s greater superiority over Russia, such behavior is ultimately inexplicable.
This is especially the case when Russia’s newest deployments are going here and many analysts think this area rather than the Baltic is the most likely to come under direct Russian threat.
It is important for NATO to address the need for a larger, more robust, permanent, and possibly maritime Black Sea sooner rather than later.
Dr. Blank is an internationally known expert on Russia and the former Soviet Union, who comes to AFPC from the US Army War College where he spent the last 24 years, 1989-2013 as a Professor of National Security Studies at the Strategic Studies Institute of the US Army War College in Carlisle Barracks, PA. Dr. Blank’s expertise covers the entire Russian and post-Soviet region and has also written extensively on defense strategy, arms control, information warfare, energy issues, US foreign and defense policy, European, and Asian security.
He is currently writing a book on Russian policy in East Asia and is the author of over 900 publications, books, monographs, scholarly and popular articles and has appeared frequently on television and radio and at professional conferences in the US, Europe, and Asia.
Prior to joining the Army, Dr. Blank taught at the University of California, Riverside, University of Texas, San Antonio, and was a Professor of National Security Studies at the US Air War College’s Center for Aerospace Doctrine, Research and Education. He holds a B.A. in Russian History from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.A. and Ph.D. in Russian History from the University of Chicago.
The featured photo shows Russian warships are seen during a rehearsal for the Navy Day parade in Sevastopol, Crimea, July 24, 2015.
