F/A-18E Super Hornet “Strike” Number 120
NAS Fallon, NAWDC May 22nd, 2024
05.22.2024
Video by Timothy Klanderud
Naval Aviation Warfighting Development Center (NAWDC)
F/A-18E Super Hornet “Strike” Number 120
NAS Fallon, NAWDC May 22nd, 2024
05.22.2024
Video by Timothy Klanderud
Naval Aviation Warfighting Development Center (NAWDC)
By Robbin Laird
This is our 15th year of publishing.
Next year, we are publishing a book highlighting our analyses of that 15-year period.
We have seen a dramatic change from the 1990s where the United States was in a pole position to re-shape the world and craft a way ahead for Western civilization. We are now in a world not of our making.
The rise of the 21st century authoritarian states and movements have driven change in the global situation to which the liberal democracies have incoherently responded. And conflicts within our societies are providing significant rifts and disagreements which provide enhanced opportunities for multi-polar authoritarianism to further enhance their position.
Globalization as envisaged in the 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century is over We have entered a new world in which dealing with adversaries is part of the strategic competition. We did so in the 1980s when I worked on various issues involving the Soviet Union.
But now there is a legacy of not talking to your adversaries and viewing this as a form of accommodation and weakness. Talking to your adversaries is not simply about acquiescing in what they want but better positioning yourself for the next phase of the competition.
A clear case in point is Ukraine. The goal of pushing Russia completely out of Ukraine and continuing indefinitely a war of attrition does not work to Ukraine’s long term advantage nor it is a sustainable policy for Ukraine’s allies.
A cease-fire now involves a vigorous period of strategic competition involving diplomacy, rebuilding and protecting Ukraine’s sovereignty. None of this can be achieved without dealing with the Russians and Putin.
Recently, Kate Davidson and Raphael J. Piliero published a piece in The National Interest which provided a thoughtful piece on a realistic way ahead.
They argued:
The top priority for Ukraine and its allies should be achieving terms that minimize risks to Ukraine’s sovereignty by creating a durable, sustainable peace: long-term military aid and multilateral security guarantees, Ukrainian military neutrality, and a rebuilding effort alongside economic integration with the West.
First, long-term military aid offers the best protection for Ukrainian sovereignty. Western aid and training after the 2014 invasion were enough to prepare Ukraine to deliver a shocking failure to Russia in its 2022 assault on Kyiv…
The West should offer Ukraine security guarantees that are stronger than the “assurances” offered in the Budapest Memorandum. As part of that, the United States could commit to surge aid in the event of renewed Russian aggression. The United States’s existing agreement is a framework that can be built upon for a more robust set of protections.
Second, Ukraine should reinstate its former neutrality. For their part, Western leaders should publicly recognize Ukraine’s neutral stance….
Third, Ukraine must be rebuilt…
While Ukraine need not relinquish its claims to territory that is rightfully theirs, insisting that all territory be returned before any negotiations, as Zelensky has, will likely detract from opportunities to cement its sovereignty. Given the choice to prioritize territorial concessions or multilateral security guarantees in peace negotiations, Ukraine would be best served by making itself as strong and steady as possible.
As Ukraine and its Western allies formulate a strategy to end the war, leaders should remember what matters most in Ukraine: sovereignty. The key will be designing a peace that is not only resilient against future Russian aggression but also sustainable for the Ukrainian people. We hope that leaders in both the United States and Ukraine, armed with the knowledge of how past wars ended, can succeed in ensuring Ukraine remains sovereign and prosperous for decades to come.
Well none of this can be accomplished without dealing with the Russians and negotiating from strength. We did this in the past: it is even more necessary now that the “end of history” has turned into the end of the global dominance of the liberal democracies.
Featured Image: Photo 53152427 © Igor Dolgov | Dreamstime.com
By Pierre Tran
Paris – The background to sales of the Rafale fighter and Falcon business jets was “uncertainty” due to general elections in Europe and France, and president Joe Biden standing down in the U.S. election campaign, Dassault Aviation executive chairman Eric Trappier said July 23.
There was “concern” on this uncertainty in France, as it was not clear over “the next few weeks” what kind of government would be formed, he told a news conference on first-half financial results. It would probably be in September a new government emerged, he said.
Meanwhile, Biden’s announcement he will not stand for a second term meant there would be “a certain ‘happening’ in the next few months,” he said.
The U.S. accounts for a major part of the sales of the Falcon, with the company’s North American office operating out of Little Rock, Arkansas. Falcon sales rose to €980 million in the first half, up from €827 million a year ago.
Trappier said he has placed a top priority on building the Rafale twin-engine fighter, following a special request from the French president, Emmanuel Macron.
“In France, the president of the Republic, as head of the armed forces, wrote to defense manufacturers urging them to step up their efforts in the context of a war economy,” the chief executive said. “In response to this call, I instructed Dassault Aviation employees to prioritize Rafale production, both for France and for export.”
There was also war in Ukraine and a state of war in the Middle East, in the market background, he said.
Macron told July 23 France 2 national television there would effectively be a political suspension for the next few weeks, as Paris played host to the Olympic Games, which will open on Friday and run to Aug. 11.
“Until mid-August, we’re in no position to change things, because it would create disorder,” the French head of state said.
Macron was replying to the leftist-green coalition New Popular Front proposing a senior civil servant, Lucie Castets as the next prime minister in the new government, when Gabriel Attal stepped down from his caretaker post at Matignon.
It was not a case of deciding on a name for the prime minister’s office, but forging a coalition majority in the lower house National Assembly, Macron said.
In the meantime, French companies were in deep uncertainty on what kind of government to expect, unclear as to future government measures, the changes in law, tax, and standards, Trappier said, adding that he was putting on his hat as chair of UIMM, an employers association for the metals industry.
Some 90 percent of the trade body were small and medium companies, and highly concerned, as were investors, particularly foreign backers, he said.
The New Popular Front won a narrow majority of 182 parliamentary seats in the July 7 parliamentary election, followed by Macron’s centrist Ensemble with 168, and the far-right National Rally, previously named National Front, trailing in third place with 143 seats.
That lack of absolute majority left the political parties struggling to form a coalition. Macron was staying on as president, expected to struggle with a fragile administration of coalition partners. While other European countries have wide experience of coalition governments, France has since the constitution of the Fifth Republic in 1958 usually been led by a single party in power, with a president of the same alignment.
Meanwhile, Dassault was doing what it could to help small and medium companies struggling with serious problems in its supply chain, Trappier said, and the prime contractor was ready to sign fresh Rafale deals.
Subcontractors of the fuselage aerostructure were in difficulty, and the company was sending its staff to help suppliers, and was making advance payment to ease their financial problems.
That supply problem was common to the aircraft industry, with the European airliner builder Airbus forced to scale back production targets, having overtaken Boeing in a market dominated by the two companies.
Despite that struggle with the supply chain, the company was doing everything it could to deliver on time, and was ready to win new fighter deals, the chief executive said.
“I am fairly optimistic on our capacity to deliver,” he said. “And I am ready to sign new contracts for the Rafale.”
Dassault was continuing talks with Serbia and Colombia, he said on the sidelines of the news conference. Saudi Arabia has previously indicated interest in the Rafale, as an alternative to the Eurofighter, which had been blocked by Germany. Berlin has since approved a sale.
The company delivered 13 Rafales last year, short of the planned 15, with that shortfall due to problems in the supply chain.
Elsewhere in Europe, British prime minister Keir Starmer opened July 22 the Farnborough air show, and pointed up the significance of the global combat air programme (GCAP), but could not guarantee the new fighter project would go ahead.
That was in the hands of George Robertson, a former defense minister and ex-Nato secretary general, who was conducting a defense review, due to be completed the first half of next year.
British electors returned three weeks ago a center-left Labour government with an unprecedented 410 parliamentary seats, trouncing the Conservative party, which lost some 250 seats and was now the loyal opposition in a 650-seat parliament.
That decisive change of government led to the launch of a wide-ranging defense review, which cast doubt on whether there would be political support for the GCAP, based on the Tempest new generation fighter, partnered with Italy and Japan.
Trappier said he had seen the model of the Tempest on display at Farnborough, and was aware of the efforts to promote the fighter project in the light “of a certain reserve” on whether the fighter project would advance or not.
On the European future combat air system (FCAS), he said studies in phase 1B were under way, and there was preparation for deciding on work share, namely “who does what,’ on a technology demonstrator. Work on building the demonstrator was due to start in 2026.
Dassault is prime contractor on the new generation fighter (NGF) at the heart of FCAS, partnered with Germany and Spain. Belgium has signed up as observer, looking for a place at the industrial partnership table.
Dassault reported a rise in first-half adjusted operating profit to €170 million from €151 million a year ago, with adjusted net profit rising to €442 million from €405 million.
The latter was a net profit margin of 17.4 percent of sales, down from 17.6 percent.
Adjusted sales rose to €2.5 billion from €2.3 billion, while orders climbed to €5.1 billion from €1.7 billion.
The cash holding rose to €8.8 billion from €7.3 billion, while the value of the order book rose to €41.2 billion, with 223 Rafales and 83 Falcons, compared to €38.5 billion, with 211 Rafales and 84 Falcons.
An order for an 18-strong batch of Rafales for Indonesia came into effect in January, which was the third and last order from Jakarta, bringing the total order to 42.
The company delivered six Rafales to France, leaving a remaining batch of 14 fighters to be shipped for the French air force in the second half.
The book-to-bill ratio, or orders to sales, was at two in the first half.
The company has received a total of 495 Rafales to date. The engineers were working on development of the F4 standard, while preparing for the F5 model, which will fly with a combat drone loyal wingman.
Joint Pacific Multinational Readiness Center-Exportable (JPMRC-X) exercise on Fort Magsaysay, Philippines, June 6, 2024.
This iteration of JPMRC-X marks the first deployment to the Philippines, which will enable and assist the Philippine Army and the Armed Forces of the Philippines in building combat training center locations within the Philippines.
The JPMRC-X is a Department of the Army initiative consisting of a deployable package of personnel and equipment designed to support training exercises across the Pacific.
FORT MAGSAYSAY, PHILIPPINES
06.06.2024
Video by Staff Sgt. Tommie Berry
196th Mobile Public Affairs Detachment
Days after Sweden became NATO’s 32nd Ally, Finnish and Swedish armoured units crossed into Norway as part of exercise Nordic Response 24.
09.03.2024
Natochanne
U.S. Marines with 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing (MAW) conduct distributed aviation operations (DAO) during Exercise Nordic Response 24 at Oulu, Finland, March 10, 2024.
Exercise Nordic Response 24 is an opportunity for the 2nd MAW to refine the DAO warfighting concept, which focuses on generating aviation combat power through the coordinated employment of aviation squadrons, command-and-control agencies, aviation logistics, and aviation ground-support units disaggregated across the battlefield that challenges adversary targeting efforts.
Exercise Nordic Response 24 is designed to enhance military capabilities and allied cooperation in high-intensity warfighting scenarios under challenging arctic conditions, while providing U.S. Marines unique opportunities to train alongside NATO allies and partners.
OULU, OL, FINLAND
03.10.2024
Video by Cpl. Christopher Hernandez
2nd Marine Aircraft Wing
According to 2nd Marine Wing, the attack helo squadron HMLA-269 after being sunsetted two years ago has now returned.
That is why we might call them the “Phoenix Squadron.”
In this story by 2nd MAW published on July 1, 2024 we learn about its rebirth:
Marine Light Attack Helicopter Squadron (HMLA) 269, 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing (MAW), reactivated during a ceremony aboard Marine Corps Air Station (MCAS) New River, North Carolina, July 1.
HMLA-269, known as “The Gunrunners,” previously deactivated on Dec. 9, 2022, in accordance with Force Design initiatives. Throughout the course of the squadron’s brief deactivation, the Marine Corps conducted analysis on force management in order to ensure that no operational commitments were left unfulfilled. This analysis identified the need for an additional HMLA squadron on the East Coast to provide sustained operational support to II Marine Expeditionary Force (MEF). This change within 2nd MAW represents incremental change to Force Design to meet the conditions described in recent national security and defense strategies.
The reactivation ceremony featured remarks from Col. David Fitzsimmons, commanding officer, Marine Aircraft Group 29, who thanked the various advocates at 2nd MAW, II MEF, and Headquarters, U.S. Marine Corps, that made HMLA-269’s reactivation possible.
“It was a decidedly somber day when HMLA-269 deactivated,” said Fitzsimmons. “That was certainly reversed today.”
Also present was Lt. Col. Jens Gilbertson, commanding officer, HMLA-269, who highlighted Marine Attack Helicopter Squadron (HMA) 269’s legacy as the Marine Corps’ first attack helicopter squadron and recounted the multiple pilots and aircrew within HMA and HMLA-269’s history who received the Distinguished Flying Cross. He noted that HMA and HMLA-269 was recognized eight times by the Marine Corps Aviation Association as the Marine Corps’ Light Attack Helicopter Squadron of the Year, more so than any other Marine Corps light attack helicopter squadron in history. Gilbertson also recognized the Marines of HMLA-269 who enabled the squadron’s reactivation.
“Ultimately, it was up to these Marines to get it done,” said Gilbertson. “They have discipline, and they have precision, and that’s the same discipline and precision they’re going to bring when they maintain and fly our aircraft.”
The squadron will resume operating the AH-1Z “Viper” attack helicopter and the UH-1Y “Venom” utility helicopter. Both aircraft are manned, trained, and equipped to fight from the sea into austere environments and confined littoral spaces, and support the Marine Air-Ground Task Force by providing offensive air support, utility support, armed escort, and airborne supporting arms coordination.
See also, the following:
U.S. Marines with 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing (MAW) participated in Exercise Nordic Response 24 across Norway, Sweden, and Finland from January to March 2024.
Exercise Nordic Response 24 is designed to enhance military capabilities and allied cooperation in high-intensity warfighting scenarios under challenging arctic conditions while providing U.S. Marines unique opportunities to train alongside NATO allies and partners.
NORWAY
03.16.2024
Video by Cpl. Rowdy Vanskike
2nd Marine Aircraft Wing