F-35B USS Tripoli Night Takeoff. The USS Tripolis is a USS America class large deck amphibious ship.
06.24.2022
Video by Travis Minyon
F-35 Joint Program Office
F-35B USS Tripoli Night Takeoff. The USS Tripolis is a USS America class large deck amphibious ship.
06.24.2022
Video by Travis Minyon
F-35 Joint Program Office
By Robbin Laird
In any reimagining of what Nordic defense looks like, Norway — a founding NATO state that served as the alliance’s de facto lead in the high north — fits as a central piece. Certainly, the template they have shaped in their restructuring of defense since 2014 provides a central foundation for shaping the way ahead. And yet, its role as the central player in NATO’s Northern Europe defense strategy is changing as it becomes part of a much larger NATO area with the inclusion of Finland and Sweden.
Norway is a key part of what I have called “reimagining Nordic defense.”
When I was at the Euronaval exhibition, held in Paris this October, I met with Nordic defense officials and defense specialists to discuss this development. One of those I discussed the new situation with was my colleague Rear Admiral (retired) Nils Wang, managing director of Naval Team Denmark. He noted that “for the first time in our lifetimes not only do the Nordic countries share common values, but [they] will work within a common defence alliance. Although Sweden and Finland over the years cooperated more fully with NATO countries, they will now be fully integrated into NATO defence planning. That means they will look at their capacities compared with other NATO countries in order to have the right balance in the region.”
With regard to Norway, he noted “they share a common border with Russia and are the Northern Flank of NATO in that sense. Their ground-air forces are focused on this part of their defense challenge while their Navy and Air Force are focused on the Kola Peninsula and how best to contain the Russian Northern Fleet.”
But being part of the new NATO team of Finland, Sweden and Norway, rather than being the sole Nordic NATO leader in this key region, means changes should come.
The focus will be upon not primarily a conventional air-ground threat but that of an air-maritime and missile threat, which means that Norway’s investments in F-35 Aegis systems and the P-8, along with a joint buy with Germany of new submarines, provides a solid template which can be built on in the region. They are enhancing both active and passive defense systems for their basing and relying on seabases as well.
For example, at the main F-35 base at Ørland, which I visited when it was being built in 2018, force protection was integrated into the design. In addition, they have moved their Quick Reaction Alert (QRA) base much further North from Bodø to the Evenes base. In January 6, 2022, the Royal Norwegian Air Force F-35s officially took over the QRA mission from the F-16. It will be a base from which the P-8s will operate as well.
They have also regenerated their Total Defence concept to provide for mobilization in case of crisis and conflict. As stated in their Long Term Defence Plan published in 2018: “The complexity of threats and risks requires stronger and more flexible civil-military cooperation. We will continue to build resilience and civil preparedness in order to strengthen the ability of the nation to withstand and recover from attacks and incidents. The defense of Norway is dependent on a modern Total Defence framework, which enables relevant civilian assets to support the national and allied defense efforts during peacetime, crisis and armed conflict.”
The first test of the revised (from the time of the Cold War) Total Defence concept was the Trident Juncture NATO exercise held in Norway in 2018. As discussed in chapter six of my co-authored book “The Return of Direct Defense in Europe,” I interviewed Marines who participated in that exercises during a visit to 2nd Marine Wing in North Carolina, and they recounted being supported by members of civil society rather than just by the host nation’s military.
When operating in Norway it was clear that they are a committed ally and the population was highly committed to supporting U.S. Marine Corps operations, including providing real time intelligence with regard to the “enemy” force. This was noted as a significant difference from USMC operations in the Middle East.
What we have seen already is that the Chiefs of Defense from the four Nordic countries have been working towards a plan for increased cooperation. The early focus appears to be two-fold.
First is focus on how the region can work together to support allied reinforcements coming in a time of crisis. Until now this has been primarily a Norwegian activity, with engagement of Denmark; now, there is a focus on how to use the entire region and to disperse forces including those that come from outside allies in times of crisis. According to one source, the proposed Nordic plan to support reinforcements would be through the ice-free port of Navike in Northern Norway, Trondheimsfjord in the middle of Norway, the Gothenburg region in Sweden, and the Esbjerg harbor in Denmark.
Second, the Nordic defense chiefs would like to see a new format for the Cold Response Exercise. Renamed Nordic Response, the focus would be upon Nordic integration across the region as a whole. It would set in motion new large-scale exercises which could allow the region to coordinate their multi-domain efforts in providing a broader regional approach to air and maritime integration, with an eye beyond preparing for a ground-air assault from the Russians.
As one senior Nordic defense official told me recently: “This is a chance to rebuild our defense together in innovative new ways. We don’t want to prepare for the Cold War; we have to look at the challenges from not just the Russians but the threat from the Pacific as well.”
The last comment may seem out of place, but it echoes the past. Norway in 2014 went to RIMPAC, the major U.S.-led Pacific naval exercise, because in the future their interests will be best served by a Northern Pacific and Arctic engagement strategy. RIMPAC may be focused on the legacy Pacific, but the Pacific itself is changing over time under the impact of many dynamics, and a notable one is the Arctic.
There were other reasons they came, but one was to highlight their new Naval Strike Missile,
I had a chance at Euronaval to talk about the NSM with Stein Engen, regional sales director for Kongsberg Strike Missiles. Engen started by discussing the origin of the NSM. According to Engen: “The threat scenario in developing the missile has always been the Russian Navy. We have a small navy and air force, so we needed a highly accurate and capable missile to replace the Penguin. As the missile developed and then was deployed by our navy, and its ability to be used against both land and sea targets became recognized by other navies to be a market leader. The evaluations made by the U.S. Navy and other allied navies underscored that NSM is cost-efficient weapon because of its accuracy and ability to get to the desired target, even in contested area and to deliver its effects even against well defended strategic target sets.”
This missile has now been widely adopted by allies as well, as part of Norway’s broader role in the “arsenal of democracy.” Rebuilding an “arsenal of democracy” frankly is beyond what any state is currently capable of doing. This means that the Western allies need to work together to shape a more comprehensive defense capability with strategic depth. And as allies share commonality in the missile base, not only can you build up stockpiles, but you can exercise shared use of these weapons in dealing with global adversaries.
In short, the context within which Norway will operate its forces and work total defense changes significantly with the expansion of the operational territory for NATO forces with the inclusion of Finland and Sweden. But the re-focus on defense begun by Norway in 2014 provides a solid foundation for doing so, and the role of Nordic defense industry within the “arsenal of democracy” will undoubtedly grow as well.
Featured Photo: Photo 23062178 / Norwegian Flag © Yulia Babkina | Dreamstime.com
Published on Breaking Defense on November 29, 2022.
The F-35 Program has delivered 800+ aircraft to Three U.S. Services, International Partners and Foreign Military Sales Customers.
07.07.2022
Video by Travis Minyon
F-35 Joint Program Office
The F-35 Program has trained 1,650+ Pilots & 12,520+ Maintainers.
07.08.2022
Video by Travis Minyon
F-35 Joint Program Office
By Pierre Tran
Paris – Perhaps future masters students at business and journalism schools will be presented with the European future combat air system as a case study on how not to handle communications on a multi-billion euro military project loaded with political and industrial implications.
There appears to be a potential lesson to be learnt on how to confuse the public readership, with German government and company statements made Nov. 18, claiming industrial agreement on the FCAS, seen as a symbol of European sovereignty backed by partner nations France, Germany and Spain.
The reality is industrial agreement has not been reached, said the executive chairman of Dassault Aviation, a key industrial partner.
“After intensive negotiations, industrial agreements for the next phase of the program have now been reached at FCAS,” the German defense ministry said Nov. 18.
“Parallel to these industrial negotiations, it was also confirmed at the highest government level that a cooperative approach on an equal footing is being pursued in the project, which is under overall French responsibility,” the German ministry said.
The key element of the FCAS is the new generation fighter, due to enter service in 2040 as replacement of the Rafale and Eurofighter fighter jets.
Talks between the industrial partners Airbus Defence and Space and Dassault have dragged on for more than a year for a contract to build a technology demonstrator on the planned fighter, under phase 1B.
Airbus DS is the German industrial partner, Dassault the French partner and prime contractor, and Indra the Spanish partner.
The French Elysée president’s office followed the German government with a statement sent exclusively to the AFP news agency, pointing up the positive with political agreement on FCAS among the three partner nations.
In contrast to the Berlin statement, which said industrial agreement had been reached, Paris said the industrial partners were “on the point” of reaching an accord.
“The political agreement on FCAS is a big step forward and – particularly in the present international context – an important signal of excellent cooperation between France, Germany and Spain,” the office of president Emmanuel Macron said, adding that France will be lead partner on the project. The latter point of French leadership is also in contrast to Berlin’s claiming an “equal footing” on the project.
Visitors to the Elysée website that day would have learnt about the importance of Macron’s visit to Thailand, part of attending the summit of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, and also the president’s view on the importance of the French language.
But there was nothing on the FCAS and its importance to Europe in a time of conflict.
The French armed forces ministry stayed silent.
The Spanish government on that day, on its website tells English speakers of the €36.682 billion ($37.687 billion) that Madrid will receive from the European Union, and how Spain passed the eight million international air passenger mark in October. There was nothing on FCAS.
The French media Les Echos, Le Monde, and La Tribune led their websites late on Nov. 18 with what looked like a breakthrough on the long running FCAS story. The afternoon daily Le Monde recast its story the following day, pointing up the lack of contract signed by the key industrial partners, Airbus DS and Dassault.
Le Figaro, a daily owned by the Dassault family, did not run a story on the FCAS. There was no mention of the FCAS in an interview in the Sunday paper JDD with the armed forces minister Sébastien Lecornu, nor any mention of Franco-German relations, a senior reporter of Challenges business magazine said Nov. 20 on social media.
Challenges pointed up Nov. 19 the silence of the French defense ministry and Dassault reflected the fact that a full industrial agreement had not been reached.
“Ninety eight percent has been agreed, but Dassault will not sign if the remaining two percent is not resolved,” a source close to the dossier told the magazine.
That two percent factor appears to point up how the German political statement might have overstated the level of industrial agreement.
That separation between political and industrial reality can be seen in remarks of Eric Trappier, executive chairman of Dassault, when he went Nov. 21 on RTL radio.
“A political false-announcement was made,” he said. “I think the German authorizations – which were hard to obtain – came through and that led to leaks.”
“Not everything is in place,” he said, so it was a case of being a little ahead of oneself.
Asked whether Airbus and Dassault had signed a contract, he said, “No, not at the time we are speaking.
“We will see,” he said, when asked whether a signature might be made this week.
French prime minister Elisabeth Borne is due to visit Berlin Nov. 25, opening a political window for a further announcement on FCAS, if an industrial agreement were reached.
Trappier was invited on RTL in his capacity as chairman of the French UIMM trade association for the metallurgical industry.
Airbus DS and Indra said Nov. 18 on social media that industry talks had been “concluded,” just after the statement from the German defense ministry.
“We can confirm that discussions among industry and governments on the next phase of FCAS have concluded which represents a big step forward for this European flagship defence programme,” the companies said. The statement does not appear on their websites.
“Now a number of formal steps in the respective countries have to be taken in order to allow speedy contract signature…
“Therefore, we will provide further updates on the programme and the way forward in due time once the contract between industry and the three nations is ready for final signature.”
The powerful German Bundestag parliament must authorize any spending above €25 million, and its approval of the budget for FCAS appears to have led to leaks to the press.
The Financial Times, a U.K. business daily, reported Nov. 17 France and Germany, and Airbus DS and Dassault “were close to formally advancing to a crucial stage” of the FCAS project.
There is also a possible Jan. 22 summit of French and German cabinet ministers, Politico website reported, seen as an opportunity for statements on cooperation on tough issues such as energy and defense.
The backstory to the tangled news story is how the German industrial partner, Airbus DS, has effectively sought to be joint prime contractor to the new fighter jet, while Dassault has resisted giving up its position as the clear lead on program management and architect of the flight control system, protection of intellectual property rights, and work share.
Phase 1B of the demonstrator project is reported to be worth around €3.5 billion, equally shared among the partner nations. There remains to be negotiations for later stages of FCAS work.
The total value of the FCAS is estimated to be €80 billion-€100 billion, and the project includes remote carrier drones and a combat cloud of extended communications network.
The U.K. has pledged to fly its demonstrator of the Tempest next generation fighter in 2027.
By Kenneth Maxwell
In Tiverton there is a statue of King Edward VII on the bridge over the River Lowman. The River Lowman joins the River Exe a short distance downstream and delineates the riverine boundaries of the old town of Tiverton in mid-Devon.
I pass by King Edward’s statue on my way into the town center after walking down from my house on Exeter Hill. The statue is inscribed: “Edward the Peacemaker.” King Edward VII reigned from 1901 until 1910. His statue was dedicated in 1912. This was only two years before the outbreak in 1914 of the First World War.
King Edward VII, like King Charles III, his great-great-grandson, had to wait a very long time before ascending to the throne. They both had very long-lived mothers: Queen Victoria in the case of Edward, and Queen Elizabeth ll in the case of Charles.
Prince Albert Edward of Wales enjoyed the brothels of Paris. He was a man with large carnal and gastronomic appetites. He was very considerably overweight. His Parisian “love chair” was carefully constructed so he did not crush his Parisian paramours.
His love of Paris was partly the reason for the “Entente Cordiale” of 1904 which ended a thousand years of intermittent Anglo-French rivalry.
Prince Albert Edward’s family was after all German. His father was Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha. He was descended from the German Protestant Hanoverians. His first cousin was Kaiser Wilhelm of the Germany Empire. Yet during the First World War Germany was the enemy and Britain was the ally of France. In 1917 the British Royal family dropped the Saxe-Coburg-Gotha moniker and became instead the much more English sounding “House of Windsor.”
Prince Albert Edward of Wales, or “Dirty Bertie” as he was known, also had many other affaires, over fifty according to legend, including a long affair with Mrs. Alice Keppel, the great-great-grandmother of Mrs. Camila Parker Bowles.
In need of money to support her lavish lifestyle and with a husband whose distinguished name did not come with a supporting fortune, Alice Keppel specialized in rich older married men. Prince Albert Edward was 56 and Alice was 29 when they first met. Queen Alexandria of Denmark, Edward’s wife, tolerated the affaire, but Alice Keppel was ejected from court when in 1910 King Edward VII died.
Camilla Parker Bowles is the former mistress of Prince Charles of Wales, now King Charles lll. She is now the “Queen Consort.” Camila Parker Bowles was the “third person” in the unhappy marriage of Prince Charles and Princess Diana. But the late Queen Elizabeth ll apparently wanted Camila to have the title of “Queen Consort.” So she has it.
Mrs. Alice Keppel was King Edward’s favorite mistress. According to her daughter, Violet Trefusis, she “resembled a Christmas Tree, laden with presents for everyone.” Violet Trefusis had a long lesbian affair with Vita Sackville-West. Later she had a long time affaire with the domineering whip-in-hand sewing machine heiress, Winnaretta Singer. Violet Trefusis was purportedly portrayed as princess Sasha in Virginia Woolf’s novel “Orlando” and inspired the character of Lady Montdore in Nancy Mitford’s “Love in a Cold Climate” as well as Mirila in Harold Acton’s “The Soul’s Gymnasium.”
King Edward took care of his mistresses. Mrs. Kepple received a share in a rubber company and Edward’s friend Sir Ernest Cassel created endowments for her, and Edward’s own bankers and financial advisers managed her businesses.
She moved to the Villa l’Ombrellino overlooking Florence in the 1920s. The Second World War forced her to return to England, but she returned to Florence after the War where she died in 1947. She is buried in Florence’s Cimitero degali Attori (The Evangelical Cemetery of Laurels).
Violet Trefusis then became the long-time chatelaine of the Villa l’Ombrellino. She died in 1972.
In 2017, Camilla Parker Bowles, by then married to prince Charles and Duchess of Cornwall, visited the memorial to Alice Keppel at St. Mark’s Anglican Church in Florence. She is purported allegedly to have told Prince Charles when they first met: “My great-grandmother was the mistress of your great-grandfather. I feel we have something in common.”
Curiously l knew Harold Acton. He was (in)famous as one of the eccentric “bright young things” at Oxford in the 1920s. In the end of my first year at Cambridge in 1961 with two fellow students l was invited to Florence where he was our host.
We visited him at his fourteenth century Villa la Pietra where his bedridden mother Hortense Mitchell (she was the daughter a Chicago banker and the source of the family wealth) used to pound on the floor with her walking stick while we were being grandly entertained by Sir Harold in a grand salon below.
He was much more interested anyway in my West Indian colleague. But we had a marvellous lecture on the Decameron from him at the empty casino at Bagni di Lucca especially opened up for the four of us. He took us to visit Osbert Sitwell at his castle Montegufoni, where Sitwell lived with his companion David Stuart Homer.
But Osbert Sitwell was away when we got there. A surly servant took us around and we had all to tip him generously as we left. We were treated to wonderfully delicious lunches overlooking the Tuscan countryside.
It is not clear to me why we were invited to Florence. Harold Acton had been thinking of donating his Villa and art collection to a university. Oxford declined the offer. Cambridge may also have been a potential candidate.
But a year later NYU accepted the gift. Though after twenty years of litigation by Harold Acton’s illegitimate half-sister, the Italian court decided in her favor and that she should have fifty percent of the value of Acton estate. The “last of the aesthetes” had evidently left a poison pill which Oxford (and potentially Cambridge) had fortuitously avoided.
Yet King Edward VII stands there incongruously on the bridge over the River Lowman in Tiverton, Devon, proclaiming peace in 1912 on the very eve of the First World War. It is a salutary reminder that war is never far away, nor is it any less dangerous at the end of 2022 than it was at the beginning of the last century.
Old empires are tottering again. New empires are rising. The tectonic global geo-political sheets are shifting under our feet yet again.
Though like “Edward the Peacemaker” in 1912 we remain largely oblivious to the real danger of stumbling, despite our best intentions, into a global conflict. History has not ended: Certainly. it did not in 1912: And not one fears in 2022.
U.S. Marines assigned to Echo Company, Battalion Landing Team 2/6, 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU), conduct island seizure training on Makiluoto Island, Finland, August 14, 2022.
The training was part of a bi-lateral exercise between the Finnish military and the 22nd MEU.
FINLAND
08.14.2022
Video by Lance Cpl. Cameron Ross
22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit
In an article by Grady Fontana published by the U.S. Navy on 18 November 2022, the exercising of an expeditionary medical facility in support of major combat operations was higlighted.
“This exercise shows the power of Navy Medicine as part of an integrated Naval combat capability,” said Rear Adm. Darin K. Via, deputy surgeon general of the Navy and deputy chief, BUMED. “There was operational planning and coordination across the Navy-Marine Corps team and at all levels across One Navy Medicine. This exercise lets us better evaluate how we deploy and run an expeditionary medical facility (EMF) in support of major combat operations. It was a successful test of how our units can organize, train and equip forces for force employment by the combatant commands.”
Keen Sword 23 is a biennial, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff-directed, U.S. Indo-Pacific Command-scheduled, and U.S. Pacific Fleet-sponsored field training exercise (FTX). The joint/bilateral FTX runs through Nov. 19. KS23 is designed to enhance Japan-U.S. combat readiness and interoperability while strengthening bilateral relationships and demonstrating U.S. resolve to support the security interests of allies and partners in the region.
In KS23, Navy Medicine exercised the employment of expeditionary hospitalization on the First Island Chain with bilateral engagement with the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (JGSDF). The First Island Chain refers to the first chain of major Pacific archipelagos out from the East Asian continental mainland coast.
U.S. Indo-Pacific Command requested Navy Medicine provide an EMF and supporting elements to meet capability gaps in the First Island Chain, with EMF capability to receive, triage, treat, and process casualties in a mass casualty event.
BUMED provided a small headquarters element from NMFP, out of Naval Base San Diego, and EMF 150-Alpha, out of Camp Pendleton, Calif., to support medical-related exercise scenarios at Camp Foster, Marine Corps Base S.D. Butler, Okinawa prefecture, Japan.
To facilitate planning, BUMED flexed its recent organizational restructure that closely aligns functions with Navy operational commands. This included the creation of a Maritime Headquarter (MHQ) and Maritime Operations Center (MOC) at BUMED that better enabled the command to integrate into the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command planning process.
In addition to the NMFP’s HQ element and EMF 150-A, Navy Medicine Readiness and Training Command (NMRTC) Okinawa and Yokosuka provided additional mass casualty scenario involvement.
With Navy Medicine units working in concert, the BUMED assets integrated with a JGSDF medical base at a Naha hospital in Okinawa, and executed mass casualty scenario assessment and response drills, receiving casualties from III Marine Expeditionary Forces aid stations and JGSDF dispensaries.
BUMED involvement in KS23 demonstrated a new laser focus on readiness and operational medicine—man, train and equip.
“As we pivot to embrace our new mission set and organizational structure, NMFP and all subordinate commands will continue to support the warfighter,” said Rear Adm. Guido F. Valdes, commander, NMFP. “We achieve this support by ensuring our operational platforms are optimally manned, trained, and equipped; the warfighter is physically and mentally ready to fight tonight; the installation and warfare commander are fully supported; and we remain on the cutting edge of health and medical research to enhance deployment readiness of the Joint Forces.”
In the past, Navy Medicine played a large role in the execution of the military healthcare mission at military treatment facilities (MTF). In the National Defense Authorization Acts for Fiscal Years 2017 and 2019, Congress called for changes in the military health system (MHS), including the transfer of all MTFs to the Defense Health Agency by Sept. 30, 2021.
Navy Medicine participation in a large bilateral and joint exercise of this scale is a first since the recent MHS transformation.
“BUMED hasn’t participated in an exercise like this, to this scale in a long time,” said Lt. Cmdr. Jefferson M. Moody, director of future plans, N55, and MHQ/MOC future operations director at BUMED. “KS-23 serves as an FTX environment for Navy Medicine force elements to maneuver with the joint force and bilateral partnerships and promote HSS (health services support) interoperability.”
Naval Medical Forces Pacific provides oversight for 10 NMRTCs, on the West Coast and Pacific Rim that man, train, and equip medical forces, primarily in military treatment facilities. NMFP also oversees eight research laboratories that deliver cutting edge health and medical research to enhance the deployment readiness and survivability of our Joint Forces.
U.S. Navy Sailors with Expeditionary Medical Facility Alpha, Navy Medicine Readiness and Training Command, simulate casualty care during exercise Keen Sword 23 on Camp Foster, Okinawa, Japan, Nov. 17, 2022.
During Keen Sword 23, Naval Medical Forces Pacific exercised the inaugural employment of expeditionary hospitalization on the first island chain with bilateral engagement from the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force.
(U.S. Marine Corps video by Lance Cpl. Stephen Holland II)
CAMP COURTNEY, OKINAWA, JAPAN
11.17.2022
Video by Lance Cpl. Stephen Holland
III Marine Expeditionary Force