The ADF and Marine Rotational Force-Darwin: Training in the Top End

09/20/2021

By Lieutenant Gordon Carr-Gregg

More than 2000 troops from the Australian Defence Force and Marine Rotational Force-Darwin (MRF-D) have completed a high-end live-fire warfighting exercise at Bradshaw Field Training Area in the Northern Territory.

Commander 1st Brigade Brigadier Ash Collingburn said Exercise Koolendong confirmed the ability of United States and Australian forces to quickly respond to crises in the region if needed.

“Exercise Koolendong was the culminating activity of MRF-D 2021 and a key training event for the Australian Army’s 1st Brigade in enhancing security cooperation between USMC and the ADF through combined-arms live fire,” Brigadier Collinburn said.

“It is a tangible demonstration of ADF and USMC capability to respond to a crisis in the region as a coalition force land component with an integrated coalition command structure.”

Commanding Officer MRF-D Colonel David Banning said Koolendong demonstrated that the US and Australia alliance was as strong as ever.

“The ability of MRF-D and the ADF to conduct this exercise during a pandemic is testament to the strength of our partnership,” Colonel Banning said.

“We’ve brought together all the assets of a marine air-ground task force and an equivalent ADF force, including more than 2000 troops, 500 vehicles and 20 airframes.”

2021 marks 70 years since the signing of the ANZUS Treaty with Australia’s most important defence partner.

“The Australia-US Alliance has never been more important as we look ahead to our shared strategic challenges in the region,” Colonel Banning said.

This article was published by the Australian Department of Defence on September 6,2021.

The featured photo: ADF and Marine Rotational Force – Darwin personnel on Exercise Koolendong at Bradshaw Training Area in the Northern Territory. Photo: Corporal Rodrigo Villablanca .

 

Cold Weather Training 2020-2021

U.S. Marines with 3rd Battalion, 6th Marine Regiment (3/6), 2d Marine Division, conduct multiple exercises as Marine Rotational Force-Europe 21.1, Oct. 2020, through April 2021.

The deployment strengthened the interoperability, mobility, expeditionary readiness and warfighting excellence of 3/6 and the Norwegian military.

NORWAY

10.15.2020

Video by Cpl. Andrew Smith 2nd Marine Division

Allies, Partners and Marines in the Indo-Pacific: The Challenge of Building Effective Deterrent Forces

09/19/2021

By Robbin Laird

In my interview with Lt. General Rudder, the Commander, U.S. Marine Corps Forces, Pacific (COMMARFORPAC), he clearly outlined the way ahead for the Marines in the Pacific and identified a number of challenges to be faced and met to shape that way ahead. During my visit to MARFORPAC in August 2021, I had a chance to discuss those challenges with a number of staff members in the command.

One of those challenges is working effectively with allies and partners in shaping an effective deterrent strategy and ensuring that coherent warfighting capabilities can be leveraged in times of crisis.

I had a chance to discuss the partnering challenges with the MARFORPAC team responsible for working those challenges.

I met with Mr. Rich Hill, G-5 International Affairs Branch Head, Maj Zach Ota, G-5 NE Asia Desk Officer, Maj Dylan Buck, NE Asia Desk Officer, Mr. Justin Goldman, TSC Plans Specialist and Mr. Scot Hasskew, TSC plans Specialist.

This is an impressive team and we had a wide ranging discussion of allied and partnering issues in the region.

Because of my engagement with the Australians as a Research Fellow with the Williams Foundation, and because the Marine Corps Rotational Force-Darwin had just been set up when I was last visiting MARFORPAC in 2014, we discussed the Australian relationship at length.

But we also discussed the tapestry of change in the Indo-Pacific as the Chinese reached out with both their economic and military power deep into the Indo-Pacific as well.

The team articulated a key point underlying the Marine Corps approach in the Indo-Pacific.

They are focused on working with allies and partners from the standpoint of crafting approaches to operations and not just taking a U.S. built template and incorporating allies into that template.

As one participant put it: “We use our training exercises to experiment with what particular allies or partners wish to do, and to work through how we can build that into an effective coalition warfighting capability.”

With the concern about what is referred to as “gray zone operations” by adversaries, deterrence delivered through interactive training throughout the region is a key focus of USMC activity in the region.

Training is a weapon system, and no more so than in shaping the ecosystem for combat operations in the Indo-Pacific through training with partners and allies.

A key point which emerged from the conversation was how training as a weapon system actually shaped joint coalition warfighting capability.

The argument went like this: The Marines are training with partners and allies throughout the Indo-Pacific and through these efforts are shaping distributed survivable and agile network of training areas with partners and allies.

This, in essence, creates combined joint task forces of varying sizes and varying locations that are scalable and agile.

And by exercising through the various training events, one is creating a deterrent effect.

By working throughout the entire geographical areas of the Indo-Pacific, the Marines are able to operate from multiple vectors, which is a core strategic focus of the Marines in the Indo-Pacific today.

A key element of innovation in the Indo-Pacific is working through a way ahead for coalition amphibious operations, from ships to the shore, from the shore to the sea and shaping distributed and flexible combat clusters throughout the region. 

We discussed how ARG-MEUs coming from CENTCOM through the Indo-Pacific both on the way and on the return have been part of the training regimes.

But clearly, a renewed emphasis on building amphibious task force capabilities in the Indo-Pacific is required going forward, but not simply in terms of the U.S. Navy and the USMC but broadening the efforts to shape coalition wide amphibious task force capabilities.

We spent much of the time discussing the Australian relationship with the USMC.

In my view, there is a significant evolution of Australian strategy underway and how that evolution crosscuts with how the Marines work their own relationship in the Pacific can provide a powerful stimulus for shaping effective deterrent forces in the region. (I wrote this prior to the announcement of the Royal Australian Navy’s nuclear submarine force which clearly underscores this point!)

MV-22B Ospreys assigned to Marine Rotational Force – Darwin conduct air movements from East Arm Wharf to Royal Australian Air Force Base Darwin, NT, Australia, April 14, 2021. Marine Medium Tiltrotor Squadron 363 and Marine Light Attack Helicopter Squadron 367 joined MRF-D and are prepared to respond to crisis and contingencies in the Indo-Pacific region alongside the Australian Defence Force.  (U.S. Marine Corps photo by Sgt. Micha Pierce)

In part it is about the evolution of MRF-D in the future.

How do the Aussies and MRF-D expand how they work together and with what focus?

If the Australians focus significant attention on shaping distributed but integrated forces from Western Australia to their first island chain (the Solomon Islands), that area of operation which encompasses significant interaction with the partners in the region, provides a very innovative and significant area in which the Marines can themselves work their cross-cutting innovations.

For example, bringing the newly formed Marine Littoral Regiment into an area of operations from Western Australia to the Solomon Islands and building out relationships with the Australian Army as that force rethinks its role in the region would drive significant cross-cutting operational changes important for both the Marines more widely in the Pacific and the Australians in reshaping their own defense capabilities.

I introduced another idea which we discussed but I am not holding the team responsible for my own conclusions.

There clearly needs to be an area to hold regular coalition amphibious task force training.

This is no longer limited to operating as a greyhound bus delivery of capability ashore, the amphibious task forces of today are radically different and more capable in working the full spectrum of operations.

It might make sense for the Aussies to sponsor an annual amphibious task force training exercise.

It would be bilateral at its core but of course, India, Japan, South Korea, and others who have capability to be tested in the 21st century concepts of operations for an amphioxus task force could engage in this ongoing combat learning and innovation effort.

The Marines face a challenge with regard to allies and partners and training which should be recognized as well. The Marines have built an integrated force capability which can deliver Marine Corps combat capability where needed.

If the Marines go down a path of redesigning their force only to fit uniquely into a U.S. Naval joint force integration package via a hyper-specialization focus, they become less useful to the kind of force integration which allies, and partners are engaging in to deal with the current and evolving Indo-Pacific defense threats.

But it is clear: the USMC in the Indo-Pacific will be most effective when it can integrate effectively with partners and allies throughout the entire gamut of operations from gray zone to higher levels of conflict.

Featured Photo:  Soldiers of 5th Battalion, The Royal Australian Regiment embark a US Marine Corps MV-22B Osprey for an Air Mobile Operations during Exercise Koolendong 2021. Credit:Australian Department of Defence. August 20, 2021.

Australia Changes its Submarine Acquisition Path: French Reactions

09/17/2021

By Pierre Tran

Paris – France heaped bitter resentment on Canberra’s axing an industrial partnership to build 12 attack submarines for the Australian navy, while opting to order American-designed boats as part of a strategic alliance with the U.S. and the UK.

The French foreign and defense ministers filled on Sept. 16 the airwaves with anger in response to a joint announcement the night before by Australia, the UK and the US of their  alliance, dubbed AUKUS.

Under that trilateral agreement, the U.S. will release highly sensitive technology to allow Australia to build nuclear-powered submarines of American design, with support from the UK. The U.S. has only ever granted Britain privileged access to that know-how.

“I am angry — this is not done between allies,” foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian said on franceinfo radio. “This is a stab in the back. This unilateral, brutal, unpredictable decision looks a lot like what Mr Trump used to do.”

France had built a relationship of trust with Australia, he said. “This confidence has been betrayed,” he said, adding that he felt “a lot of bitterness.”

Le Drian was defense minister when the French shipbuilder Naval Group won in 2016 a three-way competition with Germany and Japan to build a diesel-electric version of the French nuclear-powered Barracuda submarine for the Australian navy.

That 50-year deal was estimated to be then worth €30 billion ($35 billion) and was hailed as “deal of the century” for France and Naval Group.

The Australian switch away from building the French-designed Barracuda Shortfin boat was “serious,” and “very bad news for respecting one’s word,” armed forces minister Florence Parly said on RTL radio. The government would look at limiting any financial hit on Naval Group, she said, and did not rule out a claim for compensation against Australia.

That Australian realignment caught Naval Group by surprise as the company had been expecting to sign a contract for the basic design stage in the next few days, under an imposed deadline for a signing in September.

That two-year contract was reported to be worth €1.4 billion and opened the way for a detailed design deal. Naval Group had completed the preliminary design. The Australian media had long criticized the company for being behind  schedule and pushing the cost higher.

Naval Group had pledged to meet an Australian condition of 60 percent of local content in the future submarine program and agree to transfer technology.

French operations in the Indo-Pacific

France has invested heavily in forging close operational and industrial ties with Australia, seen as a key ally in the Indo-Pacific region.

The French air force flew in January-February under the Skyros exercise four Rafale fighter jets, two A400M transport turboprops and an A330 multirole tanker transport  jet to Australia.

That Skyros exercise was a step toward the target of flying  in two years time 20 Rafales and 10 A330 MRTTs over 20,000 km to the other side of the world in 48 hours.

As part of that power projection into the Indo-Pacific, the French navy sailed the Emeraude nuclear-powered attack submarine, supported by the Seine fleet auxiliary ship, from France in September 2020 to dock at Perth, Western Australia, on November 9. The French boat took part in the Foxfish exercise with the Australian navy.

The Emeraude sailed on to the Guam US naval base and sailed in an Aswex anti-submarine warfare exercise with a US frigate and helicopter, and a Japanese helicopter carrier, the July edition of French navy Col Bleu service magazine said.

While France appears to remain committed to building its presence in the Indo-Pacific, ties with Australia and the U.S. look like they are  hitting a low.

“This decision is contrary to the letter and spirit of the cooperation which existed between France and Australia, founded on a relationship of political confidence as well as development of a high level defense industrial and technology base in Australia,” Le Drian and Parly said in a Sept. 16 joint statement

“The American choice, which leads to Australia setting aside an ally and European partner such as France from a structural partnership, at a time when we are facing unprecedented challenges in the Indo-Pacific region…marks a lack of coherence that France can only take note and regret,” the ministerial statement said.

Naval Group takes hit

“This is a major disappointment for Naval Group,” the company said in a statement, adding that over the last five years the company and its partners had “given their best” and “delivered on all its commitments” in France and Australia.

Naval Group will sit down with the Australian authorities to consider the effect the policy switch will have.

“The analysis of the consequences of this sovereign Australian decision will be conducted with the Commonwealth of Australia in the coming days,” the company said.

Thales, which is a supplier of subsystems to Lockheed Martin and holds 35 percent of Naval Group, said there was no “material impact” on its earnings. The orders from Lockheed Martin were less than €30 million, or less than 0.1 percent of the order book of €34.6 billion, the electronics company said. The stake in Naval Group contributed €22 million in 2020 earnings, or two percent of total earnings.

But in 2016, Thales had expected its share of the Australian submarine program to bring in some €1 billion, with an estimated €100 million per boat based on prospective sales of sonar and electronic warfare systems.

The Australian decision will have little effect in the short term for Naval Group, as the order book was fairly full with work on the Barracuda nuclear attack submarine and frigate for defense and intervention (FDI), and there were studies for the French next generation aircraft carrier and nuclear ballistic missile submarine, said Jean-Pierre Maulny, deputy director of Institut des Relations Internationales et Stratégiques, a think tank.

But the company needs to boost exports, which will cut dependence on domestic orders and  boost its order book for the medium term, he said. Greece is looking to order frigates, while the Netherlands is holding a competition for submarines.

On Greece, France has pitched four FDI frigates, with the first to be built in  France and three in Greece, modernization of the present Greek Meko frigates, and local shipbuilding.

There has been an offer of a “gap filler,” with supply of two second hand French frigates, but that appears to be off the cards as the French navy needs all its warships, a defense official has said.

“The U.S. is an ally and also a competitor,” Maulny said.

The U.S. and UK pursue strategic interests, though it would have been courteous for the U.S. to give early notice to France.

London Seeks to Calm Waters

Across the Channel, the UK has sought to play down tension with France.

“As the prime minister set out in the house, we have and continue to have a very close relationship with France,”  a spokesman for the prime minister, Boris Johnson, told the Downing Street lobby, the Guardian daily reported.

“We have longstanding security and defense relationships, as exemplified by the Lancaster House treaties and as exemplified by our combined joint expeditionary force.”

The 2010 Lancaster House treaty maintains existing cooperative industrial programs but has failed to generate new arms projects for British and French industry, former British ambassador Peter Ricketts has pointed out.

A senior French navy officer has previously said the 1998 St Malo bilateral agreement between France and the UK created a structure for close operational ties between the two navies.

It remains to be seen whether that closeness will be backed by French political will.

For the UK, building the Astute class of nuclear-powered attack submarines for the Royal Navy was only made possible with U.S .help in technology transfer and engineering skills, media reports have said.

The UK’s membership of the AUKUS trilateral alliance means “Global Britain with the Americans,” Maulny said.

Britain needs to negotiate a trade treaty with the U.S., having left the European Union and cast off the EU trade agreement with Washington which covers the 27 EU member states.

The U.S. working an Australian submarine deal from France follows a widely held perception that president Joe Biden influenced Switzerland’s pick of the F-35 in a closely fought fighter competition.

Meanwhile, British sources told the Guardian daily the Australians opened talks about the nuclear power deal in March.

Australian prime minister Scott Morrison came to Paris in June, and his talks with Macron included French and Australian engagement in the Indo-Pacific and work on the future submarine program.

The sinking of that Australian Barracuda submarine program has prompted France to raise the banner for European strategic autonomy.

“The regrettable decision which has just been announced on the FSP program can only strengthen the need to raise loud and clear the question of European strategic autonomy,” the French ministers said. “There is no other credible way to protect our interest and our values in the world, including the Indo-Pacific.”

Macron takes up in January the rotating six month presidency of the European Union.

It remains to be seen what the German elections will deliver and whether Macron can rely on political support from Berlin in his drive for a stronger European arms industrial base and operational capability.

Featured Photo: France’s Defense minister Jean-Yves Le Drien and Australia’s then-PM Malcolm Turnbull (center right and center left) inspecting the submarine model in 2016

The Wagner Group to Work with Mali Government?

09/16/2021

By Pierre Tran

Paris – France has warned of pulling military support out of Mali following a media report of a prospective deal between Bamako and the Wagner Group, a shadowy Russian company of mercenaries seen to be expanding its presence in Africa.

The French defense and foreign ministers told parliamentarians on Sept. 14 there was grave concern the military junta in Bamako was close to signing contracts with Wagner to train the Mali army and provide personal protection for senior Mali officials.

“If the Malian authorities sign contracts with the Wagner company, it will cause extreme concern,” armed forces minister Florence Parly told the defense committee of the lower house National Assembly. Such a deal would contradict and lack coherence with the French mission in the Sahel region, she said.

“Wagner is a militia which has shown itself in the past in Syria and the Central African Republic to have carried out abuses and all sorts of violations that do not correspond with any solution, and so it is incompatible with our presence,” foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian told the foreign affairs committee.

Le Drian was speaking following a Reuters report that Mali was close to a deal in which the Russian private military services company could send at least 1,000 mercenaries and receive six billion CFA francs ($11 million) a month.

Wagner gets its name from the call sign of its commander, Dmitry Utkin, Luke Harding said in Shadow State (Harper), his book which tells of Russian named individuals quietly pursuing power around the world while seeking to undermine the West.

Utkin chose the name of the German composer as he particularly liked the helicopter combat scene in Francis Ford Coppola’s film Apocalypse Now, Harding narrated.

The Wagner company,  allegedly funded by Evgeny Prigozhin, a “talented entrepreneur from St Petersburg,” allowed Russian private military services to be provided overseas, allowing the government to deny any responsibility, the book said.

Harding spoke about the Russian interest in the then U.S. President Donald Trump at the Folkestone Book Festival, speaking to journalist and university lecturer Lennox Morrison. Harding, a reporter with UK daily the Guardian, has also written A Very Expensive Poison, a book on the Russian poisoning of ex-FSB spy Alexander Litvinenko.

The Wagner company has been seen in Ukraine, Syria, Sudan, and moved into the Central African Republic soon after France pulled its troops out of the latter in 2016.

The UN said on March 31 that independent experts, including the UN working group on mercenaries, were concerned over the presence of the Russian companies Sewa Security Services, Lobaye Invest, and Wagner in the Central African Republic.

The presence of “Russian advisers” at the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) military mission and evacuation of wounded “Russian trainers” to UN mission bases caused concerns, the UN said.

“In particular, they (the experts) expressed concerns about contractors’ connections to a series of violent attacks since the nationwide poll,” the UN said, referring to elections held Dec. 27 2020.

Meanwhile, in Mali the prospective arrival of Russian mercenaries may come as France pulls its troops out of the north of the African nation.

Parly said Sept. 13 in a keynote speech that France was not leaving the sub-Saharan Sahel region, but was seeking greater cooperation with the G-5 Sahel nations and its European partner nations.

“That is what distinguishes us from what the Americans did in Afghanistan in the last few months: we talk to our partners, we coordinate with them,” she said.

French president Emmanuel Macron said July 9 there would be ‘transformation” of the mission in Mali, with a switch in strategy to targeting senior commanders of the al-Aqaeda and Islamic State movements, and giving support for a greater operational role for the five-nation Sahel coalition — Chad, Burkino Faso, Mali, Mauretania, and Niger.

France is withdrawing troops from Mali bases in Timbuktu, Kidal and Tissalit, cutting the number of French boots on the ground to some 2,500 from some 5,100.

There are nine European allies in the Takuba task force, led by the French special forces, which trains and provide combat support for Malian troops. Takuba is the Tuareg term for sword.

Belgium, Czech Republic, Estonia, Italy, Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, and Sweden have sent or signed up to send troops to Takuba. There are some 500 allied troops in Takuba, which is expected to grow to 600-700, a French defense official said.

Denmark plans to send troops next year to join Takuba, while Greece, Hungary and Serbia have shown interest, LCI radio said.

There is also a French special forces combat mission – also dubbed Sword – in Mali.

For training support, there is the 1,000 strong European Union Training Mission in Mali, backed by Germany and Spain.

There are talks to add a further 2,000 to the 13,000 troops in the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), with plans for the UN-backed units to be moved to the north and center of the country, taking up the ground being left by French combat troops.

Seam Warfare, Exercises and Deterrence

09/15/2021

During my visit to Honolulu to visit PACAF and MARFORCOM in August 2021, I had a chance to discuss how U.S. forces are shaping a way ahead for Pacific defense.

Ed Timperlake and I are finishing our book entitled Maritime Kill Webs, 21st Century Warfighting and Deterrence which highlights the template we see being shaped by U.S. forces for full spectrum crisis management, up to and including the high-end fight. Our book is based on a wide range of interviews over the past decade with U.S. and allied forces and how they are shaping the new template based upon which enhanced warfighting capabilities with credible deterrence options can be built out in the future.

At the heart of this capability is shaping a distributed integrated force in which the Navy’s approach to distributed maritime operations flows into the USAF’s agile combat deployment approach with the innovations which the USMC and USCG are in throes of implementing.

Effective crisis management requires escalation control ranging from HADR operations through gray zone conflict to higher levels of lethal combat.

A core challenge to be met is what one might call the ability to conduct effective seam warfare, namely through working with partners and allies to reduce the seams left open in either Pacific or European defense which the authoritarian powers can exploit.

I discussed this approach during my visits, and in one session with MARFORPAC future operations planners we discussed how exercises are a key part of shaping the force going forward both for the United States and partners and allies. That session was a discussion with Dr. Dave Hudspeth and Mr. Juan Zapata, G-35 Future Operations Planners.

After discussing at length the impact of the PRC military buildup and engagement politically and economically in the Pacific, we focused on the role which exercises are playing in shaping a way ahead.

In part, shaping ongoing exercises allows a meshing of U.S. capabilities and commitments with those of partners and allies.

In my own view, the USMC in the Pacific is a key linchpin between the USAF and the U.S. Navy, and a player which can deliver integrated combat force to a seam in times of crisis.

What emerged from the discussion was a renewed focus on innovative exercises which built off the operations of competitors in the region and which drove innovative approaches with regard to shaping more effective joint and coalition operations.

INDOPACOM and the Marines are not focusing on what one participant called “wash and rinse” repetitive exercises, but instead focusing on expanding both the number of like-minded international participants in each exercise and the exercise objectives themselves to create more realistic and innovative deterrence approaches that measurably change how peer competitors are operating.

The goal is to generate concepts of operations which present challenges to those adversaries in terms of seams which they would have difficultly closing in a crisis or more extended conflict.

The goal is to be able to place the right combat capability at the right place at the right time to deliver the desired combat or crisis management effect.

A key element for shaping the way ahead is to ensure that sensor clusters are operational in key areas to allow for the kill web deliver of the right weapons at the right time to deliver the desired effect.

As one participant put it: “We need to look beyond traditional military measures of performance in exercises – such as number of sorties flown – to understanding how we are actually impacting the operational environment.”

This means that working exercises is about to determining how to shape the right capability to work outcomes desired in terms of crisis or extended conflict.

Training and exercises are becoming core weapons. The challenge is to determine how best to do so from the standpoint of both the joint force and coalition partners and allies.

And those determinations are not always going to be the same.

The aperture has been opened with regard to shaping a way ahead for innovations in Pacific defense and the introduction of new capabilities in the near to mid-term will be evaluated in terms of how these capabilities will be evaluated in terms of how the force can operate more effectively in influencing the operational environment.

Talisman Sabre 21: HIMARS Lift

U.S. Marines with 3d Battalion, 12th Marines, 3d Marine Division, and U.S. Air Force Airmen with Special Operations Aircraft Maintenance Squadron load a High Mobility Artillery Rocket System into a MC-130J Commando II aircraft during Exercise Talisman Sabre 21, in Bundaberg, Queensland, Australia, July 21, 2021.

TS21, the ninth iteration and conducted since 2005, occurs biennially across Northern Australia.

BUNDABERG, QLD, AUSTRALIA

07.20.2021

Video by Lance Cpl. Kelly Snyder 3rd Marine Division