Paris – The German parliament approved Berlin’s share of a budget worth €4.5 billion ($5.4 billion) for development work on a European Future Combat Air System, an industry source said June 24.

That long awaited June 23 vote by the Bundestag budget committee authorized funding for the German share of work on phase 1B of a technology demonstrator for FCAS, and funding for additional national work, the source said.

French and German defense ministers welcomed the parliamentary approval, along with the outgoing chief executive of Airbus Defense and Space, and the chief executive of MBDA, a European missile maker.

That parliamentary approval came with conditions which signalled a determination for close political control by the powerful Bundestag.

France, Germany and Spain are partner nations on FCAS and its Next Generation Weapon System, a core element comprising a next generation fighter and remote carrier drones.

FCAS includes a command and control network dubbed combat cloud, to link up manned and unmanned aircraft, and hook up aircraft including a medium-altitude, long-endurance UAV, A400M transports and MRTT inflight tankers.

The exact nature of the funding appeared to be rather complicated, as there was €1 billion beyond the €3.5 billion expected to be authorized. The three partner nations had been expected to contribute roughly a third of the core €3.5 billion.

The funding will apply to development work between 2021 and 2024. The industrial partners, Airbus for Germany, Dassault Aviation for France, and Indra for Spain were expected to sign contracts in the coming weeks.

The parliamentarians attached conditions for budgetary approval, a source close to the German side said, including insisting that intellectual property rights on key German technology be maintained.

That was intended as “a strong political signal to industry” in the integration of European defense industry, the source said.

Dassault has made French headlines, insisting on protecting IPR on the planned fighter jet. The family controlled company, which will be prime contractor on the  fighter jet, has said it would share technology on the new program but has resisted calls from Airbus to share know-how on previous programs.

The parliamentarians called for work on FCAS and NGWS to be kept in close parallel lines and for industrial partners to speed up agreement on the program structure.

There are estimates the overall budget for FCAS could be some €100 billion.

A further condition was for parliament to review industrial proposals before granting funds for phase 2, which will allow production of a technology demonstrator of the new fighter. That phase 2 is due to run 2024 to 2027, with the demonstrator fighter jet expected to fly in 2027.

There was relief for the German government, which had negotiated last minute revisions with the Social Democrats to win parliamentary backing.

France welcomed the German parliamentary approval.

“The Bundestag has just approved a crucial step for the construction of the FCAS and our future European fighter aircraft,” French armed forces minister Florence Parly said on a social platform. “Together, we continue to build a strong and concrete European defense.”

Airbus Defense and Space said on a social platform, “Big milestone achieved!” and tipped its hat in tribute to its outgoing chief executive, Dirk Hoke: “Chapeau, Dirk!”

Hoke is leaving Airbus DS July 1 and will pursue opportunities outside the aerospace company.

That Bundestag backing was “a key step towards contract award for a seamless and on-time continuation of this important European program,” Hoke said on his social platform account.

The FCAS project would boost “European operational and technological sovereignty,” he said.

“With our partners, we are committed to build the Future Combat Air System that will contribute to the European defencs and its sovereignty,” said Eric Béranger, MBDA chief executive.

Dassault declined comment.

The armed drones and nuclear weapon capability of FCAS presented problems for the Greens party, said a March 19 research note from European Council on Foreign Relations, a think tank.  The ecology party is expected to hold a position in the next German government coalition,

“For the Greens, as for the Social Democrats (SPD), autonomous weapons are a big ‘no,’” the note said. “Both see today’s remotely piloted armed drones as only one step removed from tomorrow’s fully autonomous weapon systems.”

The German air force flies the Tornado fighter, which carries US built atomic gravity bombs, and if Berlin dropped out of sharing a Nato nuclear capability with the retirement of the Tornado, there would be no need for a new fighter to carry nuclear weapons, the note said.

Even financing development of a nuclear capable system would jar with the treaty for prohibition of nuclear weapons, which the Greens have called for Germany to sign, said the note, titled “How Germany’s Greens could spell the end for the Franco-German fighter jet.”

There is a young “realistic” part of the Greens party, said the source close to the German side, indicating there would be backing for the FCAS.

Germany goes to the polls in September. The parliament closing for the summer break meant there was urgency for the Bundestag approving funding for FCAS.

Editor’s Note

The Airbus Defence team published comments highlighting the importance of this vote and understandably so.

This was good news to fund the next phase of the program.

Most of the press has highlighted the challenge of getting as one commentator has put it: “to get the nations to fly in formation.”

But there is an even larger problem, which has been largely ignored but which U.S. procurement history provides warning signs. 

The most relevant of which is the fate of the U.S. Coast Guard’s Deepwater program. 

This program launched a plan for an integrated, connected Coast Guard force to replace the legacy stove piped one. 

Sound familiar.

Yet it failed. 

It failed in part because of the challenge of being able to provide demonstrable progress in the overall system of systems versus progress with regard to individual platforms or capabilities.

The program was making clear progress understood from the standpoint of the program indicators themselves; but system of systems programs are complicated when it comes to briefing industrial committees in a legislature let alone the more ambitious goals of FCAS to show national gains within an overall program described as one providing “European sovereignty.”

DH26

By Pierre Tran

Paris – The French air and space force should not have to wait for a future combat air system to gain access to a highly capable command and control network, a senior French air force officer said June 22.

“We cannot wait for SCAF/NGWS.

“We need to start earlier with the current platforms that we have,” Lt. Gen. Frédéric Parisot of the French air and space force told the first air and space power conference held by the European Intervention Initiative.

Murielle Delaporte, editor of specialist magazine Opérationnels, was moderator for the panel.

Système de Combat Aérien Futur is the French term for Future Combat Air System, in which there is Next Generation Weapon System, comprising a next-generation fighter and remote carrier drones.

“We are close to conclusion” on NGWS, he said. “We hope all the governments will go for it.”

There have been close negotiations between government and industry on the budget for phase 1B for development on the NGWS, with demonstrators of a fighter jet and remote carriers to fly in 2017.

Parisot pointed up the need for strong European cooperation in operations and industry.

There should be a European capability for collaborative air combat, linking up sensors and manned and unmanned aircraft on the same network, he said.

The European air forces and industry needed to work on common standards and open architecture for connectivity in a multi-domain network.

“It is essential for us. It is a sovereignty issue for Europe,” he said.

The next L16 should not be considered standard issue for the European forces.

European cooperation was needed as the development cost of NGWS was so high, a nation could not afford the program on its own, he said.

There was need for “combat mass,” with a sufficient number of aircraft and remote carriers.

There was backing from the European Defense Fund on a collaborative air combat program that would allow the “FCAS world” to fly one day with the “Tempest world,” he said.

France, Germany and Spain are partners on FCAS, while the UK, Italy and Sweden are cooperating on the Tempest fighter project, led by London.

The Dassault Aviation Rafale fighter jet will be operational to “2065-ish,” Parisot said.

“Rafale will continue to evolve,” he said.

An F4 version is in the pipeline, and there is thought on an F5, which will carry the ASN4G weapon, a planned hypersonic fourth-generation nuclear missile.

There will be F6 and F7 versions of the Rafale, which will be a “workhorse,” he said.

There were French plans for a major program for a future medium tactical cargo plane to replace the C-130, which would draw on development of the A400M, he said, inviting conference attendees to see him if they were interested.

Parisot concluded by calling for the 13 air forces in the European Intervention Initiative to consider which projects might be of interest and sign up as partner.

Dirk Hoke, chief executive of Airbus Defense and Space, said he hoped the German parliament would approve the budget for FCAS tomorrow.

A green light from the Bundestag finance committee would allow industry to start development work on the FCAS technology demonstrator.

European sovereignty underpinned government backing for an unmanned aerial vehicle, which set the pathway to the more ambitious and more complicated FCAS project, he said.

There were major changes in design and development on FCAS, with the industrial partners using software tools to allow technology change to be integrated, he said, the first time that approach would be used in a military program.

FCAS would draw on tools such as Edge computing and artificial intelligence, allowing a military program to close the gap with civil aviation, he said.

Threats were evolving in complexity, calling for “technology hungry” solutions, which were more complex, said Eric Beranger, chief executive of missile maker MBDA.

That meant greater need for cooperation, as a single nation found it hard to meet the requirements.

Cooperative programs called for partner nations to discuss and arrive at joint specifications, while industry needed “visibility over the long run,” as companies needed to invest in new domains. Governance of programs was vital, setting rules for who was responsible for what, with clear decision-making.

“Intense dialog” was needed to deliver a convergence of positions, he said.

In the pro-European tenor of the conference, there was also a proud bearer of the French flag.

“We are French,” said Eric Trappier, executive chairman of Dassault Aviation.

“We feel French and we are following the interest of France. We are proud to be French.”

That patriotic sentiment had not prevented Dassault from cooperating with the German Dornier company to build the Alpha jet training aircraft and Dassault leading partners from six nations – including France- on the Neuron demonstrator for a stealthy unmanned combat aerial vehicle, he said.

Foreign orders account for some 90 percent of Dassault sales, with 10 percent from the French defense ministry.

On cooperative programs, Trappier called for a clear operational requirement, which should not change after five months or five years, as that would mean complexity. Upgrades could be made step by step.

States, not the European Union, should cooperate, he said.

There should be a single program director answering to three partner nations, rather than three program directors, and there should be a “best athlete” approach on FCAS, with a prime contractor leading a specific activity or “pillar.”

On that basis, there will be a prime contractor for the new engine, and Dassault will be overall architect and take lead on the new fighter jet.

Simulation was important for future technology, to see what the threats and response could be, he said, but there was need for demonstrators, flight tests and test centers.

China and Russia were building fighters without cooperation, and while the U.S. was an ally and not a threat, it was developing weapons for its own use, he said.

“Cooperation is a contract,” he said. Europe needed to organize cooperation to be efficient and deliver the right performance.

The European Defense Fund was a “huge opportunity” to foster competitiveness in the defense industrial base, boosting “strategic autonomy and our freedom,” said Thierry Carlier, international director at the Direction Générale de l’Armement procurement office.

There would be support for small and medium companies, mid caps, and the supply chain.

The EDF could also support new forms of cooperation and increase interoperability, he said. Industrial partners stood to be benefit not just governments.

On arms exports, there was a sovereignty issue as each European nation had its own rules, he said, and there was need to find an agreement in cooperative programs.

France has an overarching agreement with Germany and was willing to extend that to other partners, he said. France also has an export deal with the UK through its agreement on MBDA.

The European Intervention Initiative (EI2) conference was being held June 22 and 23 at Le Bourget national air and space museum, just outside the capital.

The conference was backed by the armed forces ministry, its general directorate for international relations and strategy, Gifas aerospace industry association, Airbus, Dassault, MBDA, Safran, Thales, and Ariane group.

Editor’s Note:The video below highlights  panel 2 from the European Intervention Initiative – Conference held on June 22 and 23 2021.

According to the conference website:

“The French Air & Space force together with the other 12 European Intervention Initiative (EI2) partner Air forces hold the first edition of the EI2 Air & Space Power Conference on 22 and 23 June 2021, from 09:00 to 17:00, at the National Air and Space Museum of France in Paris – Le Bourget.

“Addressing « European air power – control of strategic and operational tempos », this first edition is oganized around 8 round tables.

“They put into perspective several challenges air powers have to face due to the multiplicity of tempos.

“Opened by general Philippe Lavigne, French Air & Space force chief of staff, and closed by Madam Florence Parly, French minister for the armed forces, the conference bring together chiefs of staff and high authorities of defense ministries, grand industry leaders, distinguished academics with the objective of promoting European strategic culture with respect to air & space power.

“It is a broadcast live conference on the French Air & Space force YouTube channel on Tuesday 22 and Wednesday 23 June 2021 starting at 09:00.”

This panel was moderated by Murielle Delaporte, editor of OPERATIONNELS. It was distinguished panel which included Lt. General Parisot, Dirk Hoke, Eric Beranger, Eric Trappier, and Thierry Carlier.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL FREDERIC PARISOT

Currently Vice Chief of the French Air and Space Force since last March Before then (like most high level military officers), he had multiple careers (/lives) as:

• As a pilot: commanded the 1/5 Vendée Fighter Squadron at Orange AFB in 2001
• As a Graduate: from the Joint War College (CID), Higher Military Studies Center (CHEM) and Institute for Higher National Studies (IHEDN)
• As a fighter: 3,000 flight hours and 81 war missions
• As a Coalition player: First exchange and liaison officer within the Pentagon [working in the USAF Chief of staff’s Strategic Studies Group (2008)]
• As a military planner:
• 2018: Deputy Chief of the Chief of staff of the FASF and in charge of preparing the future

DIRK HOKE

Currently Chief Executive Officer of Airbus Defence and Space since 2016

• Degree in Mechanical Engineering from the Technical University of Brunswick in Germany
• Started his professional career as R&D Engineer for process and software analysis in the automotive industry at Renault in Paris
• 1996: joins Siemens
• 2011: became the Division CEO of Industrial Solutions, including the digital platform business
• Indeed his career spans more than 25 years and 5 continents in different industries, but with a recurring focus i.e. digitalization.

ERIC BERANGER

Currently Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of MBDA since 2019

• A graduate engineer from the École Polytechnique and Telecom Paris
• Since starting his career in 1988, he has held management positions in engineering, operations and finance at France Telecom, Société Générale, and Matra Marconi Space
• 2003: created Astrium Services
• 2012: became CEO of Astrium Satellites
• Prior to joining MBDA, Éric Beranger was the Chief Executive Officer of OneWeb.

ERIC TRAPPIER

Currently Chief Executive Officer of Dassault Aviation since 2013

• Served in the Navy during his conscription and graduated from the National Institute of Telecommunications (Telecom Sud Paris).
• 1984: started his career at Dassault.
• 2001: Director of military exports
• 2006: International general director

THIERRY CARLIER

Currently Director of the International Directorate of the DGA, French procurement Agency since 2018

• Graduated as an aeronautic and space engineer from “Centrale” in 1990
• Served in the Navy during his conscription ; then joined DGA
• 2000: head of procurement policy office of DGA
• 2013: Deputy Director for bilateral and multilateral cooperation, and for European development
• 2014: Deputy Director for international, strategic and technological affairs at PM’s General Secretary for Defense and Security

By Audrey Fritz

When the University College Cork in Ireland withdrew from a partnership with Minzu University of China (MUC) in 2021, speculation cited concerns linking MUC with human rights abuses against Uyghurs in Xinjiang. This included the arrest of a Uyghur professor at MUC who was accused of separatism and escalating ethnic tensions.

The speculation, however, failed to unveil MUC’s direct involvement in developing technologies used to oppress ethnic minorities in China.

MUC and Xinjiang University are two universities under the ‘double first-class university plan’ which is intended to provide 42 elite Chinese universities with resources to become ‘world-class’ universities. Both are working on speech– and facial-recognitiontechnologies used to target ethnic minorities.

These two universities host joint research institutes with iFlytek, a Chinese company sanctioned in October 2019 after being implicated in human rights violations against Uyghurs, and faculty members have worked on projects commissioned by the company.

Xinjiang University and iFlytek jointly run a speech and language research laboratory, through which iFlytek leverages the university’s Uyghur, Kazakh, Kyrgyz and Arabic language expertise contributing to China’s ‘speech and language information industry’.

The lab’s research could enhance iFlytek’s speech-recognition technology, such as its ‘voiceprint’ system that can compare a recording from a phone or app against a database of tens of millions of voices.

The face- and speech-recognition technologies developed by these universities are powered by artificial intelligence, a high priority technology under China’s military–civil fusion (MCF) strategy. Through MCF, China seeks to leverage the research and development capabilities of universities to advance both the country’s domestic economy and national defence apparatus.

The double first-class universities plan works to integrate universities into this MCF research and development pipeline where they’re expected to serve as an integral source of science and technology innovation, bolstering research outcomes in the military and civilian sectors.

The plan evolved from previous initiatives, including the 211 project and the more selective 985 project, established in 1995 and 1998. All 39 of the universities in the 985 project were selected as double first-class universities, indicating that they’ve been cultivated for this type of work for more than two decades.

A new update to ASPI International Cyber Policy Centre’s China Defence Universities Tracker, built by then ASPI analyst Alex Joske in 2019, has added 15 new universities. They include 11 of the remaining 42 double first-class universities not originally covered in the tracker, in addition to Guangdong University of Technology, the University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Dalian Maritime University and Southern University of Science and Technology. As well as the addition of new universities, we have also updated existing university entries on the tracker.

China’s top universities, especially those under the double first-class plan, are intended to excel in scientific research to enable the two-way transformation of military and civilian science and technology. Several have established transfer centres that facilitate the development of technology for MCF.

Guangdong University of Technology, for example, jointly founded the Guangdong National Defence Science and Technology Application Promotion Centre, which produces equipment including military robots, automatic anti-aircraft missiles and other missile defence systems. Because universities are positioned to collaborate on research, these technology transfer centres can apply research outcomes from international cooperation to their own R&D.

Southern University of Science and Technology leverages its overseas cooperation to improve research outcomes for its technology transfer centre. The centre explicitly seeks to collaborate with overseas research institutes including California Institute of Technology, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Zürich and the National University of Singapore, among others.

Zhengzhou University, one of the 11 double first-class universities identified above, has integrated very effectively into the MCF system. It has close ties with the Information Engineering University, which is affiliated with the People’s Liberation Army and known to carry out offensive cyber operations.

The two universities signed an MCF cooperation agreement in the field of cybersecurity and informatisation in 2018 with plans to establish a joint cybersecurity centre.

Zhengzhou University also hosts the National Supercomputer (Zhengzhou) Centre which, in April, was added to the list of entities considered to be conducting activities ‘contrary to the national security or foreign policy interests of the United States’ because of its work on ‘supercomputers used by China’s military actors, its destabilizing military modernization efforts, and/or weapons of mass destruction programs’.

The updated tracker now includes entries on nearly 100 civilian universities, 50 PLA institutions, China’s nuclear weapons program, three Ministry of State Security institutions, four Ministry of Public Security universities and 12 state-owned defence industry conglomerates.

As these universities continue to accelerate their integration into China’s MCF system, it will be important to continue to monitor their activities and contributions. It’s equally important for governments, universities and private companies around the world to equip themselves with the knowledge and tools to inform their collaboration with, and funding of, Chinese research institutions.

The tracker (and accompanying report)—which has become ASPI’s second-most-visited research product of all time—has attracted a global audience with enormous traffic from the US and China, followed by Japan, Hong Kong, Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, Germany, Singapore, France, Taiwan, the Netherlands, Russia and India. With this audience, the tracker aims to build understanding of the implications of the expansion of China’s military–civil fusion.

The tracker continues to be a free, public tool to help universities, governments and the business community conduct better due diligence as they navigate their engagement and collaboration with entities from China.

Audrey Fritz is a researcher at ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre. .

This article was published by ASPI on May 19, 2021.

Featured Image: AFP/Getty Images