Challenges Going Forward for the USMC: The Perspective of Lt. General (Retired) Robling

11/10/2021

By Robbin Laird

I had the chance to work with Lt. General (Retired) Robling both when he was Deputy Commandant of Aviation from 2011-2012 and when he was the MARFORPAC commander from 2012 to 2014.  

We started by looking back at his time as the MARFORPAC Commander, and the beginning of the “pivot to the Pacific” and the challenges faced by the USMC at the time. 

Question: Looking back, when you came to the Pacific command, the Osprey really was the key tool for USMC transformation in the region. In effect, it was the spear in the ground from which you built out a new way ahead. You also began the process of expanding the USMC relationship with Australia as well. How important was the Osprey in this transformation process?

 Lt. General (Retired) Robling: The Osprey was transformational for us. There are 25,000 plus islands in the Pacific and half of the globe in the INDOPACOM theater. We were actually the main air-enabled ground force at the time in the region. The Army brigade was coming back from the Middle East to establish the Brigade on Oahu, and they tried their Pacific Pathways approach which failed miserably. 

For us, the MV-22 opened the entire theater for us. We could air refuel the aircraft, we could island hop, and we could operate from Japan all the way to Australia. It was a game changer for how we approached  theater operations and how the Joint Force Commander considered how he would use the Marines in the joint fight. 

Question: Since you were there, and even though you were anticipating them, the F-35s are now operating in the theater. There are now two squadrons of Marines operating from Okinawa and they are operating every day in the first island chain. That is a big change from when you are there, and how would describe that change?

Lt. General (Retired) Robling: It is a big change. Most importantly the Marines flying the F-35 will support the USAF’s initial air campaign in any Korean contingency.  This will give the Joint Force Commander unprecedented stealth capability until the rest of the joint force can close on the region. 

Secondly, the F-35’s will support our partners and allies in the region by training and operating off of the ships in the 31st MEU.

The F-35’s ability to operate together and to distribute data to the joint force and operate in concert with the MV-22’s have simply expanded how we operate in the Pacific and how the Joint Force Commander looks at the role of the Marines and their contribution to the joint force. Combing the two provides a unique airborne capability in the Pacific which can deliver force insertion throughout the region at significant speed and range.

Question: When I visited you in Hawaii during your time as MARFORPAC Commander, you and your staff were clearly focused on what you saw as an upsurge in “amphibiosity” with regard to our allies. Significant progress has been achieved along these lines since 2014. How should we view this progress?

Lt. General (Retired) Robling: We were especially focused on Japan and Australia and since that time both nations have augmented their amphibious capabilities. We helped those nation’s to think differently about warfighting and how to defend their interests.

For example, with the both the MV-22 and the F-35B operating from amphibious ships, the Japanese can think differently with regard to defending their outlying islands and, more generally, about the defense of Japan. The three – MV-22s, F-35Bs, and amphibious aviation ships – are transformational for both the USMC and our allies. 

Question: For the USMC, the recent transformation process started in 2007 with the coming of the MV-22. Now General Berger, the current USMC Commandant, is adding a new chapter with regard to the next transformation module for the USMC. How should we understand the approach and how does it blend in with what has come before?

Lt. General (Retired) Robling: I believe the Commandant was courageous in getting out ahead of the Joint force in facing what everyone is calling the pacing threat; China.  Our nation has to face that threat and decidedly prepare for it now.  But the challenge is that he is out in front of the other services in their preparation for a fight with China.  I do not believe we as a country have decided what the strategy or that fight might look like and we don’t have a full understanding of China’s improved war fighting capabilities, how they will use them, how we will counter them, or what the USMC’s role should be in that fight.

Question: The approach to building a more distributed USMC is certainly in line with past USMC practice, but the challenge is to ensure force cohesion and force integrability, first with regard to a deployed MEU or MAGTF, and with whatever joint or coalition partners are working with that distributed USMC force. How do you see the challenge of distribution and integration?

Lt. General (Retired) Robling: The danger here is that we develop a niche force incapable of participating in high-end fights operating as some type of reconnaissance role or rear area security operation.  In an escalatory war with China, I don’t believe it would be long before North Korea starts looking seriously about taking South Korea and likely encouraged to do so by China. 

As  a previous III MEF Commander and later MARFORPAC commander, I would argue that the Marine Corps’ unique aviation and amphibious capabilities give it a decided advantage to the Joint Force Commander in other near peer campaigns.  The redesigned force as envisioned by the Commandant will not necessarily support those type of activities.

While we work towards becoming a light force focused on forward positioning and persistent inside the weapons engagement zone activities, we do not have the kind of sensors which are needed for this type of operation.  As a force that will collect and distribute data back to the joint force, we are woefully incapable of doing so much less operate low signature bases with low signature force structures.

This requires the right kind of C2, ISR accessibility, strike support, logistical support and an ability to be inserted and extracted at the time of our choice.  C2 will not be persistent,  and neither will data transmission capabilities.  We need a networked force that can operate even when we are not always tied into the joint force. 

Logistical support is another weakness in our development of EABO operations that seriously needs overhauling. The Navy will likely need to prioritize their missions in full spectrum crisis management operations against China.  Logistical support to small units of Marines on obscure islands will likely fall out of that their decision mix and the commercial capabilities to support the force in a maritime centric China fight will be sorely inadequate. 

The Commandant posed this weakness himself in remarks at the recent Marine Corps Aviation Symposium where he stated in the case of limited logistical support, the Marines may have to resort to foraging.  How long can we forage on a pacific island?

I do believe however, that the Commandant is correct in his vision of investing in HIMARS and Maritime Strike Missile (both long and short range) to help in anti-access and aerial denial operations.  These rockets and missiles are game changers and can significantly advance the Marines war fighting capabilities both in limited maritime and extended land operations.

I concur with the Commandant that the MAGTF cannot be the Marines only solution in warfighting operations. Yet we are building a force now that decidedly understates the role of aviation in all our warfighting activities.  Both in EABO operations and in our role in near peer conflict.  

Over the last thirty years we have developed and acquired MV-22, CH-53, and F-35 aircraft with significant capabilities not otherwise brought to the joint force.  This aviation triad has increased our value to the Joint force tenfold.  It has made the Joint warfighting commander think differently how he will prosecute a campaign because of our decided advantage this triad of aviation capabilities alongside our Marines gives us.

Aviation cuts in constrained budget environments (we have always been in constrained budget environments) is inevitable, but once again, we must ensure the cuts are not so deep that we cannot recover from them if we are wrong about our role in the Indo-Pacific fight.  We may be.

China may not care that Marines will be rooting around on islands inside the Second Island Chain.  If our purpose is to be part of a naval force capable of ensuring sea control and denial operations, China may have already taken those considerations into their war fighting equation.   

If I am right, then we need to  give them pause to change their equation so our presence actually does what we say it will do.  While I applaud the Commandant’s focus on returning to our core mission of support to the Naval Fleet Commander through our role as the Fleet Marine Force Commander, our ability to work with the Navy in an ecosystem that requires insertion and support to focus inside the weapons engagement zone is not there now and will not likely be for quite some time. 

This will take a larger investment by the Navy in capabilities and training that they have so far been unwilling to invest.

Featured Photo: Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein, Malaysian Minister of Defence, and U.S. Marine Corps Lt. Gen. Terry G. Robling, commander, U.S. Marine Corps Forces, Pacific, greet one another on Camp Smith, Hawaii, April 1, 2014. Hishammuddin is visiting Hawaii for a meeting with the Honorable Mr. Chuck Hagel, U.S. Secretary of Defense, and other defense ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, April 1-3. (U.S. Marine Corps photo by LCpl. Wesley Timm/Released)

MRF-D HMARS

U.S. Marines with the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System platoon, Marine Rotational Force – Darwin, are inserted with a Royal Australian Air Force C-17 Globemaster III aircraft after an airfield seizure at Bradshaw Field Training Area, NT, Australia, Aug. 12, 2021.

U.S. Marines seized Nackeroo airfield during Exercise Loobye in preparation for a High Mobility Artillery Rocket System Rapid Infiltration.

Exercises like Loobye demonstrate MRF-D’s ability to conduct operations as a joint force with the ADF, execute expeditionary operations, like HIRAIN, and exemplify their mutual dedication to being postured and ready to respond to a crisis or contingency in the Indo-Pacific region.

BRADSHAW FIELD TRAINING AREA, NT, AUSTRALIA

Video by Sgt. Micha Pierce

Marine Rotational Force – Darwin

An Update on the UK Carrier Strike Group: October 2021

11/09/2021

According to a story published by the UK Ministry of Defence on October 5, 2021, the UK Carrier Strike Group looks forward to a busy autumn in the Indo-Pacific and the Middle East.

Having passed the midway point of its first operational deployment, the UK Carrier Strike Group is preparing for a return transit through the Indo-Pacific, Middle East and Mediterranean.

Since the end of May, the CSG has sailed over 32,000 nautical miles from the UK to Japan undertaking a range of air and maritime operations from the Black Sea to the Philippine Sea.

As a tangible demonstration of the UK’s Indo-Pacific tilt, over the past three months, ships from the Strike Group have conducted a series of engagements with regional partners including Brunei, Cambodia, Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand and Vietnam.

In a further demonstration of this international deployment, over the next two weeks the CSG will navigate the South China Sea with ships and aircraft from Australia, Canada, Japan, New Zealand, and the United States.

Defence Secretary, Ben Wallace said:   

“CSG continues to demonstrate our enduring commitment to global security and international alliances, from the Indo-Pacific to the Middle-East and beyond.   

“Our engagement with our allies and partners will endure long after the CSG’s visits and exercises end, with the permanent deployment of HMS Tamar and HMS Spey to the Indo-Pacific and close cooperation with our Five Powers Defence partners around the world. 

“Exercising and cooperation with like-minded allies is vital to tackle the common threats we face, contributing to a safer and more secure world.”

HMS Diamond – a Type 45 Destroyer from the CSG – will also shortly be participating in Exercise Bersama Gold, marking the 50th anniversary of the Five Powers Defence Arrangements alongside Australia, Malaysia, Singapore and New Zealand.

The busy period of military engagement in the Indo-Pacific, has also been mirrored by diplomatic progress. In a landmark moment, the UK became a Dialogue Partner of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 5 August, the first new country in 25 years. This comes as the UK and Japan announced that formal negotiations will begin this month to increase bilateral defence cooperation.

Foreign Secretary, Liz Truss said:  

“The UK is committed to strengthening our ties across the Indo-Pacific and the deployment of the UK Carrier Strike Group demonstrates our commitment to the region, and our desire to build deeper economic, diplomatic and security partnerships.

“By visiting, working and exercising alongside our partners we are standing up for our mutual interests, supporting regional stability, boosting our ties and promoting new trading opportunities.”

Later this autumn, the CSG will visit India for joint maritime exercises as well as a programme of diplomatic engagements. The CSG will conduct other engagements in the region before travelling to the Gulf.

The Task Group will undertake F35 exercises with Oman and UAE air forces in the Gulf, and maritime training alongside the Royal Navy of Oman. Simultaneously the British Army will be taking part in exercises with Royal Army of Oman units which will link back to the ship to demonstrate interoperability between land and sea forces.

The featured photo: HMS Queen Elizabeth, HNLMS Evertsen and RFA Tidespring. Credit: UK Ministry of Defence.

The USS Carl VInson Delivers: Fuel

11/05/2021

By MC1 Tyler Fraser, USS Carl Vinson 

PHILIPPINE SEA – Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) conducted a fueling-at-sea (FAS) with Ticonderoga-class guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Champlain (CG 57), Sept. 17, delivering more than 150,000 gallons of fuel and setting a milestone of more than 1 million gallons delivered to other ships since January.

Vinson refueled nine different ships, including destroyers, cruisers and littoral combat ships, during 15 separate FAS evolutions.

“Although carriers have the capability to deliver fuel to ships using their FAS rig, it is normally for certification only,” said Lt. Cmdr. David Roach, Vinson’s first lieutenant. “One million gallons is a typical amount of fuel if we were a fleet oiler, but for an aircraft carrier, it is not.”

At-sea fueling operations enable ships to continue their mission without pulling into port for fuel.

Capt. P. Scott Miller, Vinson’s commanding officer, said FAS keeps assets on station longer, keeping them in the fight.

“It is vital that our assets are ready to conduct any required mission in support of peace and stability throughout the Indo-Pacific,” said Miller. “Successfully conducting FAS operations to this degree speaks volumes to the capability and proficiency of our Sailors. It also demonstrates the operational readiness of our strike group and our commitment to our network of allies and partners in the region. Fueling-at-sea keeps ships on station and puts our jets in the air, ensuring we can continue to fly, sail and operate wherever international law allows.”

Chief Warrant Officer Mae Lazo, Vinson’s bos’n, said fueling evolutions are no small feat and require coordination across multiple departments.

“To make this evolution happen is a ship-wide affair,” said Lazo. “It requires careful planning among the aviation boatswain’s mates (fuels) in air department, boatswain’s mates in deck department, electrician’s mates and machinist’s mates in engineering department and Sailors on the bridge with the navigation department.”

In addition to coordination among the carrier’s crew, Destroyer Squadron (DESRON) 1 led planning and coordination for many of the ships receiving fuel.

“Fueling at sea ensures our destroyers, cruisers and littoral combat ships maintain a high level of warfighting readiness and sustain operations underway where our ships are most needed,” said Capt. Gilbert Clark, DESRON 1’s commodore. “Our continued at sea presence in the Indo-Pacific region promotes security and stability, which in turn drive the peace and prosperity that benefit all regional countries.”

FAS was first developed around 1900 for transferring coal and was perfected by the U.S. Navy in the 1920s and 1930s. For transferring liquids such as fuel, ships pull alongside each other with the receiving ship pulling alongside the supplier at a distance of approximately 30 yards. A gunline, pneumatic line thrower, or shot line is fired from the supplier, which is used to pull across a messenger line. This line is used to pull across other equipment such as a distance line, phone line, and the transfer rig lines. These rigs are then used to transfer fuel between the ships.

The Carl Vinson Carrier Strike Group (VINCSG) is led by Carrier Strike Group (CSG) 1 and includes Vinson, embarked Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 2, embarked staffs of CSG 1 and Destroyer Squadron (DESRON) 1, Ticonderoga-class guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Champlain (CG 57) and Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Chafee (DDG 90).

VINCSG’s multiplatform team of ships, aircraft and more than 7,000 Sailors is capable of carrying out a wide variety of missions around the globe. VINCSG is deployed to the U.S. 7th Fleet area of operations in support of a free and open Indo-Pacific region. U.S. 7th Fleet conducts forward-deployed naval operations in support of U.S. national interests in the Indo-Pacific area of operations. As the U.S. Navy’s largest forward-deployed fleet, 7th Fleet interacts with other maritime nations to build partnerships that foster maritime security, promote stability and prevent conflict.

This article was published on September 20, 2021 by the U.S. Navy.

Featured Photo: The aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) conducts a fueling-at-sea with guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Champlain (CG 57) in the Philippine Sea, Sept. 17. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist Seaman Mason Congleton)

VMFA-211 Flies Cross-Deck Mission

U.S. Marine Corps Pilots Maj Brian Kimmins and Capt Craig Turner prepares to launch an F-35B from HMS Queen Elizabeth in the Pacific Ocean on August 20, 2021.

The operation highlighted the interoperability of the F-35B and the strategic importance of the joint integration between the United Kingdom Carrier Strike Group and the U.S. Navy Amphibious Ready Group / Marine Expeditionary Unit.

This mission was the first time in modern history the United States has cross-decked aircraft for a mission utilizing a foreign aircraft carrier, demonstrating naval partnerships in action.

(Royal Navy Videography by POPhot Jay Allen)

VMFA-211 Operating in the South China Sea Aboard HMS Queen Elizabeth

11/03/2021

US Marines with Marine Fighter Attack Squadron 211 flying F-35B Lightning II’s conduct routine operations aboard HMS Queen Elizabeth while she conducts a double replenishment with RFA Tidespring and HNLMS Evertsen in the South China Sea on 29 July, 2021.

VMFA-211 is attached to the United Kingdom’s Carrier Strike Group 21, a UK-led international strike group including support from the U.S. Navy Arleigh Burke guided-missile destroyer USS The Sullivans (DDG 68) and The Royal Netherlands Navy HNLMS Evertsen.

07.29.2021

3rd Marine Aircraft Wing

The Bras de Fer of Bo Jo and Macron

11/02/2021

By Pierre Tran

Paris – Britain and France, once close friends and military allies, are at each other’s throat.

The cultural approach of the British is pragmatism, while the archetypal French character is the intellectual.

A sample of both those qualities may be what is needed to defuse the tension, but it remains to be seen whether such a concoction will be found or even wanted.

British prime minister Boris Johnson and French president Emmanuel Macron may say how much they admire each other’s country, and yet the airwaves have been crackling with threats of legal recourse, acts of retaliation, and the need to meet crisis deadline.

There is a weighty list of grievances, which just does not go away. Where does one start?

– There is the French claim for a fair share of fishery rights in British territorial waters around the islands of Jersey and Guernsey in the Channel;

– Border control of trade between Northern Ireland, which is part of the United Kingdom, and the Republic of Ireland, which is a member of the European Union;

– Control of illegal immigrants crossing the Channel in attempts to enter the UK;

– And a deep pool of French resentment over being ejected from a prospective multi-billion euro program to design and build conventional attack submarines for the Australian navy.

Even if one of the points of contention were resolved, it looks likely the bitter tone of relations between London and Paris will drag on for some time.

One of the reasons each side likes to lambast the other is the perceived need to deflect domestic discontent — shortage of truck drivers in the UK or immigration concerns in France – by holding up the wretch on the other side of the Channel as the cause of concern.

Johnson and Macron may well have been in Rome over the weekend for the Group of 20 meeting of world political leaders, but the bitter dispute over the French call for British licenses for small French fishing boats hogged UK headlines and social platforms.

As the COP 26 UN climate change conference opened on Monday in Glasgow, Scotland, there was the UK imposing a 48-hour deadline for Paris to agree a deal on the fishing licences or face the anger of London in the courts of European law.

That had been the UK’s reaction to a French threat that as of Monday midnight there would be tighter border checks and British fishing boats would be banned from entering certain key French ports, a threat which Macron suspended by 24 hours to give more time for talks with Britain to defuse the fisheries dispute.

Relations between France and the UK are at a new low in response to Australia’s cancellation of a French project for a fleet of attack submarines, due to a deal with the UK and the US for a nuclear-powered boat.

That strain on the military front can be seen in France holding off the signing of a memorandum of understanding for work with the UK on a planned future cruise and anti-ship weapon, business website La Tribune reported Oct. 4.

The French defense minister, Florence Parly, called off a Sept. 23 meeting with her British counterpart, Ben Wallace. The two ministers would have signed the MoU, opening up the way for the assessment phase, the next step in the bilateral missile project.

European missile maker MBDA has completed the €100 million ($116 million) concept phase on the FC/ASW missile, which will replace the UK Storm Shadow and French Scalp cruise missiles, and Exocet and Boeing Harpoon anti-ship weapons.

MBDA is a joint venture held by Airbus (37.5 percent), BAE Systems (37.5 percent) and Leonardo (25 percent).

The political friction between Britain and France hitting MBDA points up a certain irony. It was the green light from London and Paris of a joint cruise missile program which led to the 1996 creation of the Anglo-French joint venture Matra BAe Dynamics, forerunner to MBDA, the core of European missile building.

It remains to be seen whether and when France regains appetite for cooperation with the UK on that missile project, one of the deals cited in the 2010 Lancaster House treaty, a bilateral agreement on close industrial and military cooperation.

That deterioration in cross-Channel relations can be tied to the Brexit move and an effective puncturing of political goodwill. Macron is an easy target for the UK conservative media outlets, while British politicians point up his need to prop up public opinion with the French elections due in April.

There is also anger in Paris with Canberra, stemming from the surprise announcement of an Australia, UK and U.S. alliance, dubbed AUKUS.

A core part of that exclusive coalition is the switch by Australian prime minister Scott Morrison to a future Australian fleet of nuclear-powered attack submarines based on British and U.S. technology, and dropping the French warship builder Naval Group, which had been working on a plan to design and build an Australian diesel-electric boat, dubbed Shortfin Barracuda.

The depth of Gallic ire can be seen in Macron telling Australian reporters on Sunday night on the sidelines of the G20 meeting that Morrison had allegedly lied when he said he had told  Macron on the change of direction on the submarine program.

That open display of French presidential accusation of Australian falsehood was in contrast to U.S. president Joe Biden admitting that there had been room for improvement on announcing the AUKUS deal and the cancellation of the French boats.

“What we did was clumsy,” Biden said Oct. 29 after meeting Macron at the French embassy in Rome. “I was under the impression that France had been informed long before that the deal was not going through, honest to God.”

Increased U.S. support for French military operations in the sub-Saharan Sahel region, increased European defense autonomy, and greater clarity on U.S. authorization of arms exports under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) were among the U.S. pledges for better relations with France in the wake of AUKUS.

France has struggled with delivering weapons such as SCALP cruise missiles to export clients  due to problems of securing ITAR clearance for U.S. components.

Emmanuel Macron, left, with Boris Johnson in Rome on October 31, 2021 © Guglielmo Mangiapane/Reuters