The View from the Hill: Boris Johnson and Covid-19

05/14/2020

By Kenneth Maxwell

Boris Johnson’s family has since 1951 owed the 500 acre West Nethercote Farm near the Exmoor village of Winsford in West Somerset. He spent much of his childhood there.

Winsford is quite close to where l live on my hill.

It is located further up the River Exe. 

Boris learnt fox hunting at West Nethercote Farm. Winsford is very close to the village of Huish Champflower where my mother was head teacher at the village school between 1939 and 1945. I spent my very early years there after 1941 and was christened in the village church.

At Winsford the villagers are very protective of the Johnson family.

This is not surprising.

Communities are isolated here, rural, and long established, especially on Exmoor.

But at times they contain families that are surprisingly cosmopolitan like the Johnson’s.

Sir Raymond Carr lived and fox hunted in North Devon and West Somerset.

He was a distinguished historian of Spain. I once saw Raymond Carr proclaiming in his large voice to the ticket clerk that he was on his way to Bolivia at the TIverton Parkway railway station. l had met him previously in Rio de Janeiro on his way to Bolivia in 1967. He had just been appointed to be the first professor of Latin American history at Oxford. A friend who worked at the British Embassy in Rio had been his student at Oxford and invited me to a dinner to meet him. He never got to Bolivia that time as his plane or his manuscript was lost on the way and he returned to England instead. At least that was what we were told.

But Carr was (in)famous at Oxford for his party giving. He also drank famously and prodigiously. He was for many years the warden of St Antony’s College. He died in 2015 at the age of 96.

Like the Johnson family he was evidently bipolar in his living arrangements.

Boris also likes an adoring crowd.

At his first appearance in the House of Commons on Monday this week following his own near death encounter with the Covin-19 virus, Mr Johnson cut a very lonely figure facing a largely deserted and “virtually” enabled chamber with members channelling in their questions from their constituencies via large video screens.

There is nothing as unforgiving as a near empty House of Commons.

On the opposition benches facing him was Sir Keir Starmer recently elected to be the new leader of the Labour Party.

He subjected the prime minister to a calm and forensic interrogation of his plans to relax the coronavirus lockdown which he had just announced in broad outline the evening before in a prerecorded televised address to the nation where he announced that the slogan of “Stay at Home” would be dropped and replaced by “Be Alert”.

Sir Keir Starmer is a very skilled lawyer.

He is named after the first parliamentary leader of the Labour Party, Keir Hardy.

My grandfather knew Keir Hardy well in the days of the Independent Labour Party during the early 1920s and often hosted his visits to the West Country. Keir Starmer became a Queen’s Council (QC) in 2002 and was from 2008 to 2013 the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and head of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS).

He was knighted in 2014, and was elected as the MP in 2015 for Holborn and St. Pancras in London. Subsequently he served as the Labour Party’s Shadow Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union.

His experience showed as he questioned the prime minister. Bluster and tub thumping and arm gesticulating from Bo-Jo did not go far without a live audience to cheer him on.

He looked tired and deflated. It was evident even before he stood up to make his statement in the House of Commons that he had only succeeded the night before in thoroughly muddying the waters and he had created a divisive messaging muddle. Not surprisingly the insouciant leader of the House, the ineffable Jacob Rees Mogg, found the “virtual” Parliamentary proceeding without the “cut and thrust” of debate unsatisfactory, and said on Wednesday that the MPs should swiftly return to their old ways within “the next few weeks” and “set an example.”

The Speaker of the House of Commons, Sir Lindsay Hoyle, reprimanded Rees Mogg: “My priority and the priority of all, l’m sure, is to ensure that those on the estate are safe while business is facilitated…nothing in the Leaders’s announcement changes the position on social distancing in and around the Chamber…”

The truth is that Britain has the worst death rate in Europe from coronavirus.

The Conservative ministers say comparisons can be misleading.

They certainly can be. Russia’s statistics cannot be relied upon.  Neither can Iran’s. And China initially covered up and obfuscated and has since launched an aggressive self defence of its response to the coronavirus pandemic. But then Boris Johnson’s communications director in Downing Street, Lee Cain, once dressed up as a chicken when he was a journalist working at the “Daily Mirror” in order to humiliate David Cameron and other conservative politicians for ducking questions in the run up to the 2010 general election. He then went on to head broadcast for the “vote leave” campaign.

Piers Morgan the irascible cohost of “Good Morning Britain” (GMB), the popular daily breakfast talk show on ITV, could not resist playing a clip of the Lee Cain dressed as a chicken when blasting the Health Secretary of State, Matt Hancock, for refusing to be interviewed on GMB despite accepting invitations from the BBC:

Piers Morgan said it was a “pathetic & cowardly response to THEIR shameful incompetence.”

Piers Morgan who is a former editor of the “Daily Mirror” has also fallen out with his former friend Donald Trump. In the US Morgan had hosted an interview program on CNN and in 2008 he won the seventh season of Trump’s “US Celebrity Apprentice” TV show. He interviewed Trump in Churchill’s war room under Whitehall during Trump’s state visit to Britain. But he had critiqued Trump’s response to the pandemic in the USA and Trump “de-twittered” him

Britain has the second worse rate of covid-19 deaths in the world after the United States, if one ignores how places like Communist China do their counting,

And that it has a raging covid-19 death rate in old people’s homes which could and should have been avoided if testing and protective equipment (PPE) had been available for care home staff and if Britain had initiated its lockdown sooner.

The National Health Service (NHS) which is at the front line of fighting the virus, and which had just saved Johnson’s life, was revealed to have been underfunded and underprepared. This despite a three day test run in October 2016, “Exercise Cygnus”, which had warned that the NHS could not cope with a pandemic. It’s conclusions were kept secret. And a 2019 review of biological preparedness was cancelled because of MPs concentration on BREXIT and preparations for the December general elections.

It is now obvious that despite the Covid-19 outbreak in China in December, its ravaging impact in northern Italy and in Spain, that Britain began its lockdown far too late.

From December 26, 2019, until January 8th, 2020,  Mr Johnson and his girl friend, Carrie Symonds, were holidaying on the island of Mustique, once upon at time the late Princess Margaret’s favourite Caribbean bolt hole with her much younger boyfriend Roddy Llewelyn. On his return from Mustique (the financing of his holiday seems to have been arranged by a well healed Tory Party donor) Boris Johnson holed up at Chequers, the PM’s country house retreat, where he spent the entire parliamentary recess, evidently taking care of personal matters such as his divorce and potential remarriage and his and Carrie’s prospective new baby preparations.

He did not attend five consecutive meetings of Cobra, the government’s emergency management committee, between late January and February 2020. He was accused at the time of being a “part time prime minster” who according to one civil servant did not like to work at weekends.

The first notice of a previously unknown virus in Wuhan in eastern China was received in the World Health Organization’s (WHO) China office on December 31st 2019.

By March 19, 2020, deaths in Italy had surpassed those in China. On 23rd March Boris Johnson ordered the lockdown in Britain.

Meanwhile in the United States in late January and February care homes in Kirkland in the eastern suburbs of Seattle were becoming the epicentre of a corona virus outbreak. On March 19th 2020, 129 cases of Covin-19 had been registered, and had killed 81 residents, 34 staff and 14 visitors.

There was no excuse not to have known and much less not to have acted.

Mr Johnson’s televised address to the nation (actually to the four nations that compose the UK, that is England, Scotland, Wales and Northen Ireland) had added to the confusion.

Even before he stood up to speak it was by then clear that neither Scotland, nor Wales, nor Northern Ireland, would follow his new mandate.

They all chose to stick with the “stay at home” message, and they all thought the easing of the “stay at home” message was premature and risked provokIng a second and more deadly spike in corvid-19 infections such as had occurred  in 1918 flue pandemic. As the heads of the governments of devolved administrations they had the legal authority to do so.

And to add insult to injury they had learned of Mr Johnson’s policy changes from the daily newspapers.

The Scottish nationalists, under first minister, Nicola Sturgeon, were only to glad to be seen as putting Scotland‘s interest first. She has said categorically that the “stay at home” advice still holds.

The Welsh government headed by Mark Drakeford and which is controlled by Labour said that “our advice has not changed. You should stay at home. Coronavirus has not gone away. You should stay local and stay safe.”

The Northern Ireland executive’s first minister Arlene Foster of the DUP which had previously exercised disproportionate power at Westminster during the hung Parliament where the DUP’s 10 votes sustained the Tory Party in power, had been royally shafted by Boris Johnson after his victory in the general election, has also declined to change its advice and is supported by the Sinn Fein’s deputy first minister in the restored northern Ireland power sharing administration. Sinn Fein also gained seats in the recent elections across the border in the Irish Republic and exercises much more influence in Dublin than it did before. “

Brexit” Boris was facing a very disunited United Kingdom.

And not everyone was happy in England.

Manchester has seen a large number of deaths from covid-19, and the mayor, the former Labour cabinet minister of health, Andy Burnham, has called on the prime minister to publish localized “R” numbers amid concerns that dropping the “stay at home” message this weekend came too soon for the North West.

And in South West England Boris Johnson’s relaxation of travel restrictions was received with dismay.

The area has the lowest rate of covid -19 deaths in England, but it is a holiday destination for thousands of tourists from other parts of the country and there a many “second” homes in Devon and Cornwall.

It is also an area almost entirely “ blue” that is all the MPs are conservatives with the exception of one labour MP in Exeter and one in Plymouth.  Selaine Saxbe the MP for North Devon said that the use of second homes and mini-breaks was “unacceptable.”

And the leader of the Devon County Council, the Conservative councillor, John Hart, despite the economic cost to the area has long urged that holiday makers “stay away and come back later.”

During the 1918 flue pandemic in those cities where restrictions were lifted early all saw a second and much more deadly wave of infections and deaths take place.

Where restrictions remained in place the second wave was much less devastating.

Without testing and tracing, something the British have been woefully behind on compared to Germany and South Korea, and with no restrictions on entry into the country imposed (though now apparently they are being contemplated for some time in the future) in stark contrast to New Zealand and Australia,

Boris was both too late and now he is acting too soon.

And as of Wednesday this week he has banished the graphs showing Britain’s place in the league tables of international infections and of deaths.

As if hiding the graphs will hide a potential and unfolding catastrophe.

Featured Photo: In Parliament, rhe prime minister was urged to treat the cost of the pandemic like “wartime debt” to be paid off over decades. EPA

Source: The London Times

 

Extending the Reach of the Kill Web: The US Navy Works with Allies on the Maritime Patrol Enterprise

05/13/2020

By Robbin Laird

In our last interview with Rear Admiral Garvin, we focused on how the P-8 / Triton dyad was reshaping the approach of the airborne element of the anti-submarine network.

We spoke at length about how the Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Force (MPRF) could be recast into interactive webs that will empower more effective strike at the most critical point of attack.

In effect, what we see coming in the Pacific and in the Atlantic are interactive sensor webs that extend the reach of core platforms and their onboard sensors. 

The fusing of multiple sensors via a common interactive self-healing web enhances the ability of the entire force, including key partners and allies, to cooperatively engage enemy targets in a time of conflict.

Interactive webs can be used for a wide range of purposes throughout the spectrum of conflict and are a key foundation for full spectrum crisis management. To play their critical role when it comes to strike, whether kinetic or non-kinetic, this final layer of the web needs to have the highest standards of protection possible.

As one analyst has put it: “The kill part of the web is crucial.

“However, there are many scenarios where the same web is needed, but for other purposes.

“The point is that the “web” facilitates alignment of sensing, C2, and actionable outcomes (i.e. – shooters of various types).”

The interactive webs enhance the reach of any platform within a task force and thus create synergy amongst non-contiguous assets that are combined against a specific threat.

Interactive webs also provide redundancy and depth for distributed operations and inherent resiliency and survivability that a convergent combat force simply will not have.

We started with a discussion of the reach of the maritime patrol enterprise by focusing on a way to conceptualize the way ahead for shaping an integrated distributed force.

If one conceptualizes the battlespace as layers of visuals placed one on the other, it becomes clear what is different in terms of leveraging the combat force within an interactive web.  The first layer would be the operational geography of the battlespace.

The second layer would be the threat elements most relevant to the blue force.

The third layer in the case of a maritime patrol enterprise would be commercial maritime shipping traffic.  Unlike air traffic, maritime traffic is very diverse, very large, and provides a key masking function for any adversary.

The fourth layer would be the laydown of blue assets, including the geographic distribution of allied forces in the region or area of interest. The fifth layer would then be where the P-8 / Triton dyad operates.

With such a schematic, it is quickly evident that if the U.S. Navy’s P-8 / Triton dyad is integratable with allied maritime patrol capabilities the reach of both the U.S. and allied interactive web capabilities is substantially enhanced.

It is also obvious that if key allies are not engaged then there are holes in the web structure which will either simply be gaps or need to be filled by other means.

In simple terms, it is clear that the United States and its allies must operate within a convergent set of interactive webs to shape a shared and actionable common operating picture.

The results will significantly empower a combined strike force and, even more importantly, inform decision makers about how to prioritize targets in a fluid combat situation.

There is a particular and often intellectually neglected part of this problem–the existence of offensive nuclear capability.  

As an example, in the Pacific there are three nuclear powers. Nuclear deterrence is woven throughout any considerations of conventional operations, so there is a clear need to add a strategic overlay of the battlespace, which considers potential consequences and focuses on making the right target decisions in a fluid battlespace. This “wildcard” should give pause to those who tout AI enabled kill chains.

Decision makers need to step back and consider that while more rapid destruction of targets is important, it must be guided by both tactical and strategic decisions with due regard not just to combat but political effects as well in full spectrum crisis management. Having men in the loop in airborne systems, like the MPRF can certainly contribute to target discrimination efforts.

We also considered the specific challenges of the US Navy working with allies in the maritime patrol enterprise.

For obvious reasons, we first focused on those allies who have already joined the P-8 / Triton dyad effort. 

We then discussed those allies who had not done so but are key partners in working interactive webs with the United States. Prior to highlighting that discussion, let me review who the P-8 / Triton partners are to date.

Australia is the only U.S. ally pursuing both the P-8 and the Triton. As a cooperative partner, similar to the F-35, they participated in the development of P-8A and Triton capabilities from the ground up with the USN.

The British have made a very welcome reentry into the Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance arena with the P-8 as well.

During recent visits to RAF Lossiemouth, I saw the program being stood up in Scotland, and they were doing it in such a way that other P-8 partners would be supported as well.

At Lossiemouth I discussed the new infrastructure with key RAF officials responsible for the effort, and that interview will be published later but the key role of standing up new infrastructure to support this effort is crucial to handle the new data rich airplanes, as well as the work with allies in operating the assets.

Having visited Norway earlier this year and having discussed among other things, the coming of the P-8 and the F-35 in Norway, it is clear that what happens on the other side of the North Sea (i.e., the UK) is of keen interest to Norway.

And talking with the RAF and Royal Navy, the changes in Norway are also part of broader UK considerations when it comes to the reshaping of NATO defense capabilities in a dynamic region. The changes on the UK side of the North Sea are experiencing the standup of a P-8 base at Lossie, which will integrate with US P-8 operations from Iceland and with those of Norway as well.

In effect, a Maritime Domain Awareness highway or belt is being constructed from the UK through to Norway.

A key challenge will be establishing ways to share data and enable rapid decision-making in a region where the Russians are modernizing forces and expanded reach into the Arctic.

The Pacific partnership is being expanded as well with the addition of South Korea.

In 2018, the South Korean government announced that would purchase six of the aircraft.  They are thereby joining India, which has its own systems configured on the aircraft. India first P-8I squadron was stood up at Rajali in November 2015.

The Indian Navy operates its entire fleet of eight P-8I maritime patrol aircraft from Rajali and the Indian government announced last year that they intended to buy 10 additional P-8s.

With regard to the P-8 / Triton partners, Rear Admiral Garvin highlighted the opportunities for co-learning, which are generated from common training that occurs at VP-30 and the Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Weapons School at NAS Jacksonville, Fl.

He highlighted the famous quote, “You cannot surge trust.”

The working relationships built during high-end tactical training carry over into operations whereby a global community of operators can share operational experience and enrich development of the enterprise.

“My first international visit upon taking command was to Australia, leadership there referred to our working relationship as “mateship.”

“This term accurately describes the collaborative nature of our partnership and demonstrates its importance to ourselves and the rest of the world.”

“We have built similar relationships on varying scales, all around the world.

“These relationships serve as force multipliers, which opens the door to cooperatively leverage technology to deliver networked sensors and a shared understanding of the decisions and options we share across the extended battlespace.”

“Our allies understand the fundamental nature of their region better than we do.

“If you have properly maintained these important working relationships, both interpersonal and technological, then you will have access to the cultural knowledge and human geography that might otherwise would not be available to you.

“We become stronger interactively with our allies by sharing domain knowledge to operate across a wider geographical area.”

“In effect, we are shaping kill web “matesmanship.”

“We clearly have closer relationships with some allies than with others, which shapes policy and data sharing. However, the technology is now out there which can allow us, within the right policy framework, to provide data at appropriate security levels much more rapidly than in the past.

“Our policy frameworks simply need to catch up with our technologies.”

“History has shown us that it is infinitely more difficult to sort out our working relationships in times of intense conflict.

“Those partnerships need to be nurtured and exercised now to help shape our interactive webs into a truly effective strike force over the extended battlespace.”

For Rear Admiral Garvin, working with partner and allied maritime patrol partners is crucial, even when those close partners are operating different platforms.

For example, Japan indigenously developed their own replacement aircraft for its legacy P-3s. He highlighted the healthy sharing arrangements the U.S. Navy has with the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force in the MDA area.

Similarly, we enjoy a very close relationship with Canada, who operates a significantly modernized P-3, the CP-140 Aurora. He noted that the aperture for increased cooperation with India was opening up as well, a process which he clearly welcomed.

As Rear Admiral Garvin put it: “Put simply, the idea of partners and allies sharing in the web you describe must have, at its core, that underlying, underpinning relationship built upon trust.

“Sometimes buying the same kit does make it easier. But without that relationship it doesn’t matter if you bought the exact same kit.”

Featured Photo: Officer Commanding No. 92 Wing, Royal Australian Air Force, Group Captain Darren Goldie, alongside the ATM-84J Harpoon loaded on the P-8A Poseidon at Marine Corps Base Hawaii, during RIMPAC 2018.

Also, see the following:

Visiting RAAF Edinburgh: An Update on the Aussie P-8 Enterprise

Standing up the P-8/Triton Maritime Domain Strike Enterprise in Australia: Visiting RAAF Edinburgh

The Return of ASW: The Canadian Perspective

Enhancing Northern Tier Defense: The UK and Norway Prepare for the Coming of the P-8

The UK and Norway Shape Enhanced Cooperation for ASW Operations in the North Atlantic

 

 

 

 

What Happened to the Charles DeGaulle Aircraft Carrier in COVID-19?

By Pierre Tran

Paris – A lack of ministerial coordination and sharing of information lay behind a two-day delay in recalling the Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier while the crew were stricken by Covid 19, the minister of the armed forces told parliamentarians.

Florence Parly appeared respectively May 11 and 12 before the lower and upper houses of parliament in the wake of a public row over recall of the French flagship, at a time when the virus had attacked more than 1,000 crew and personnel.

Faulty communications lay in commanders detecting April 5 signs of the virus on board, while the joint chiefs of staff and the minister were informed April 7, she said.  When Parly received the information, she ordered recall of the carrier task force, she said.

In response to a parliamentary question, Parly said she had read an open letter from the defense journalists association, which pointed up a lack of reliable and timely information from the ministry over the virus crisis. A meeting is to be held in the week of May 11 between press officers and the press club, she said.

The officers sailing the ship made mistakes in assessing the spread of the virus, but there was no “fault,” on their part, Parly told May 11 the defense committee of the lower house National Assembly.

The minister has asked the joint chiefs of staff to make recommendations on improving communications in the light of those errors.

“In the light of information that we have today — I insist on the word today — there were mistakes in the assessment of measures in the fight against coronavirus,” she told parliamentarians. The error was to treat the virus like the H1N1 flu which had hit the carrier in 2009, and to continue the mission while the infection was on board.

“Coronavirus is not H1N1 flu,” she said.

“The second lesson that I would like to submit relate to failings in coordination and sharing of information between the various chains of command, and at different levels within these commands,” she told the parliamentarians.

“These chains were too narrow, with information transmission too slow and partial,” she said. There was insufficient dialog between the actors, which denied the sharing of analysis of the situation.

In her remarks to senators, Parly said the virus had already boarded the capital ship  before the vessel sailed to Brest, northwest France, March13-16. The visit to that naval base speeded up the spread of the illness but was not the source, she said.

France entered a strict lock down midday March 17, with conditions eased May 11.

The carrier task force sailed out of Toulon January 21, conducted operations in Iraq and Syria, and called in February 21-26 at Limassol, Cyprus, she said.

After sailing from Cyprus, the carrier received personnel and equipment, with flights from Sicily, the Spanish Balearic islands, Spain, and Portugal, she said.

The carrier was effectively a “floating airport,” she said.

It was between the visit to Cyprus and Brest that the coronavirus boarded the warship, the medical enquiry noted. Parly pointed up the confined space, with cabins sleeping between 10 to 40 sailors, and narrow corridors and stairwells.

“Space is a luxury,” she said.

The carrier  was designed in the 1980s and built in the 1990s, while the Chevalier Paul air defense frigate was designed in the mid-2000s and entered service in 2011, with four sailors to a cabin, she said. There was a lower incidence of the virus on the frigate compared to the carrier, which had an “old design,” she said.

After Cyprus, the officers and medical team on board ordered masks and antiseptic gel as a precautionary measure, confident the virus could be avoided and sail on  operations in the Atlantic and North Sea.

That confidence was overblown.

The Brest visit, seen as needed for crew morale, logistics, and presenting the carrier for the first time in 10 years, speeded up spread of the infection, the medical enquiry showed. After the port call, the commanders ordered a protective confinement, which slowed down the virus, she said.

But that confinement sapped crew morale, leading the commanders March 30 to ease restrictions, and allowed group briefings, sports, and a concert on board.

“Yes, there certainly were errors, but the inspections have not noted fault,” she said.

The first clear sign of the virus on board was an officer showing April 5 positive on a test for Covid 19. The officer had visited Denmark March 30.

April 5 also marked more sailors than usual turning up at the sick bay. That sparked the return of strict isolation for the crew and personnel, and April 6 three sailors flown back to France for medical care.

Parly said she last week informed European counterparts of the reports and France would share the medical information with allies.

The findings were based on three enquiries conducted separately by the joint chiefs of staff, navy, and military medical service, which submitted their reports at the end of last week.

Parly has asked the joint chiefs of staff to propose changes in the various command chains, which will be applied to all the services and sectors. There was also need for better communications with the crew, which stayed in close touch with families. The families received information during the national lock down, some of which was false, she said.

“We need to communicate better, relying on detailed and instructive information,” she told senators. The official reports would be published after the senate committee hearing, she added.

The need for communications was clear.

It was “unthinkable” the ministry could fail to know there were dozens, maybe 100s of sailors, stricken with the virus on board the flagship carrier, dubbed “42,000 tons of diplomacy” and part of the French nuclear deterrent, Le Point weekly magazine reported.

The featured photo: The French Marine Nationale aircraft carrier FS Charles de Gaulle (F 91) is seen transiting the Red Sea, April 15, 2019.  (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Skyler Okerman)

US Marines in Arctic Edge 2020

U.S. Marines from 5th Battalion, 11th Marine Regiment, load a M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) onto a U.S. Air Force LC-130H assigned to the 139th Airlift Wing during U.S. Northern Command’s Exercise Arctic Edge.

Arctic Edge 2020 is a North American Aerospace Defense Command & U.S. Northern Command exercise scheduled every two years.

The exercise focuses on training, experimentation, techniques, tactics, and procedures development for Homeland Defense operations in an arctic environment. Arctic Edge 20 provides opportunities to validate arctic capabilities.

03.03.2020

Video by Staff Sgt. Diana Cossaboom

4th Combat Camera Squadron

Shaping a Way Ahead with Regard to Electronic Warfare: The Perspective from HAVOC

05/12/2020

By Robbin Laird

With the strategic shift from the land wars to engaging in higher end conflict situations with peer competitors, electronic warfare and its role is changing as well.

When Ed Timperlake and I visited Fallon in 2017, we met with members of HAVOC, the US Navy’s Airborne Electronic Attack Weapons School. It was clear that much of the experience of the team had been in supporting ground forces in the land wars and played a significant role in so doing.

But it was clear that the team was transitioning as well for the strategic shift, and the expanded role of electronic warfare with peer competitor engagements.  We highlighted in our report about that meeting the following:

“It is clear that the HAVOC leadership looks at their work as providing key tools for the current fight, including embedding Naval aircrews with ground maneuver elements in our current wars.

“However, they are also significantly laying the foundation for the con-ops evolution of many the tactics and training for combat employment of high intensity non-kinetic payloads in the digital battlespace. Significantly in building to the future, they are working their “tron magic” across the joint and coalition force.”

We discussed with the team, the beginnings of the kill web approach in which working closely with the USAF, the US Navy was focused on expanding the platforms engaged in electronic warfare as a function, rather than simply training to what the Navy’s particular platform, in this case, the Growler could do.

Recently, I had a chance to get an update on the work of HAVOC and discussed the focus of their efforts and the way ahead being shaped by the NAWDC team. CDR Brett Stevenson, the Commander of HAVOC, highlighted how HAVOC was addressing the changing combat environment and how the focus on force integration was a key driver in shaping a way ahead.

We discussed a number of issues, and while I will not quote the CDR directly, I will highlight a number of takeaways from our conversation which provide insights into shaping a way ahead for the tron warfare element within the full spectrum crisis management force.

My first takeaway would start right there – it is about full spectrum of warfare, not just the high-end fight.

Being able to operate within and to dominate the electromagnetic spectrum is not a nice to have capability but is becoming a core requirement for effective engagement in conflict scenarios across the spectrum of warfare.

The second takeaway is that HAVOC is not focused on the management of a single exquisite platform per se, but upon how that platform operates in the joint force with other joint or coalition force assets to deliver the broad non-kinetic effect required.

In a core mission area, suppression of enemy air defenses, HAVOC is working closely with the USAF Weapons School at Nellis in shaping a variety of capabilities, including but not limited to F-35, Compass Call, space-based assets and cyber-war assets to deliver the best air suppression capability possible. They along with the USAF are looking holistically at the integrated air defense system.

Within their domain, they are working a kill web approach to generate a synergy of effects enabling the force to take down air defense systems in a much more effective and efficient manner than if it was all about the Growler. In this case, it is about sensors and shooters working together through a non-kinetic kill web.  When the CNO put out his FY21 Unfunded Priorities List (which includes Next Generation Jammer), it is interesting to note is that he equated NGJ and EW with increased lethality for the force.

Integrating such capability into the overall strike mission is a virtual redefinition of what lethal strike actually means in a kill web approach.

A third takeaway is that all the hard work being done between HAVOC and Nellis is not just about honing current operational capabilities.

It is in part, shaping how to leverage the sensors and capabilities inherent in Growler which can be used within both kinetic and non-kinetic kill webs. It is also about shaping domain knowledge informing modernization approaches to the kill web EW capability as well.

This would mean it is not just about upgrading a particular platform but looking at the integrated effect and sorting through where major effects could be had by modernize particular tool sets which might be found on different platforms, rather than having to be resident on a particular platform. Not everyone needs to play quarterback.

The fourth takeaway is that HAVOC is preparing for the coming of the next generation jammer pod on the Growler in the relative short term.

Next Gen jammer is the most significant leap in Navy EW since the introduction of Growler. Next Gen jammers will bring a significant increase in both power and capacity to the Growler.

And that preparation process is not simply about HAVOC watching briefings. It is about being engaged in the test process as well. HAVOC is fully embedded within the NGJ test community and their industry partners.

They are engaged in creating and validating tactics and initial employment options which means that when NGJ comes to the force, the learning curve to operational use will be significantly shortened.

One of NAWDC’s main lines of effort is in creating, validating and ultimately teaching advanced Tactics Techniques and Procedures, and at no time is this effort more critical than when new capabilities are first introduced. Their role is to shape the way the force will employ these new technologies so that Carrier Air Wings can train to these standards, come to Air Wing Fallon to prove them on the range, then be ready to consistently and reliably deliver those capabilities in combat.

This is why HAVOC has been involved in the development of NGJ from the start, and will see it through to fleet introduction and beyond.

The fifth takeaway is that preparation by HAVOC for NGJ is not simply about a particular technology.

The HAVOC team is looking beyond their currently defined capabilities to figuring out what technologies are needed and how we would employ those to their benefit in a high-end fight.

The sixth takeaway is one which is true of most of the current training ranges.

They were set up for legacy adversarial warfare, then adjusted to the global war on terror, and now back to the past, or adversarial warfare, but now in a different technological era.

In the case of NAWDC, the EW ranges were conceived in the 1970s and the ’80s as a place where the carrier air-wing could conduct strike warfare training against an air defense system that replicated the capabilities and tactics of the Soviet Union.

There is clearly a challenge to ensure that the NAWDC range is resourced and equipped with the right training systems that will prepare carrier air-wings to be successful in the high-end fight and to do so within the context of rapidly changing technologies on BOTH the red and blue sides.

And clearly, when it comes to EW, training is always going to be challenging because of the question of dealing with frequency restrictions.

Frequency utilization is definitely a challenge that’s inherent in operating and training for electronic warfare. This enhances the importance of the Australians joining the Growler community and building relevant test ranges in Australia as well. But also highlights the importance of live virtual constructive training in this domain as well as cross linking capabilities in this non-lethal domain with the broader strike force.

The seventh takeaway is the coming of Growler Block II.  

The next iteration of the aircraft will provide additional sensor enhancements will expand battle space awareness to the networked force. And with the evolving capabilities of software upgradeability, there is a clear prospect of proliferating EW capabilities as well within the networked force.

The expanded presence of remote assets will play a role as well of expanding the reach of EW capabilities woven into the kill web as well.

An eighth takeaway is about allies and the Growler.

We did discuss the potential German acquisition of the Growler as well. I would like to say, the CDR reminded me, but if you do not know a fact, you can be reminded of it, that the Germans are long standing partners with the US Navy as well in EW.

The CDR noted that there is a long-standing exchange officer program with the Luftwaffe at VAQ-129, the Growler training squadron. This means that UK and German legacy EW training via Tornado plus the Australians would add up to an EW coalition being trained in the evolving and developing 21st century approach to EW.

I do know from my visit to Finland that the Finns are interested in a possible Growler acquisition as well.

And the final takeaway is one of the most important from the discussion, namely, the addition of non-kinetic targeteers to the air wing.

Certainly, kinetic targeteers have been part of the air wing for a long time, but with the growing importance of the non-kinetic domain and its integration into kill web operations, there is a growing need for targeting knowledge in the non-kinetic domain.

Growler intelligence officers are fully integrated in the mission planning, execution and debriefing process along with the Growler operators. The non-kinetic targeteers are comprised of both Growler Squadron Intel Officers, and their enlisted Intelligence Specialists and Cryptological Technicians.  These subject matter experts integrate into the broader Carrier Air Wing Intel team, applying their non-kinetic targteteering expertise to aid in mission planning and to inform the efforts of intel collection managers for the entire Carrier Strike Group.

What that then provides is a team able to analyze an air defense problem and determine where the Growler capabilities would fit most effectively in the SEAD mission. This means as well that they will need to know what the other platforms relevant to a SEAD mission could contribute to sort through the most effective division of labor in executing the joint mission.

This means as well these officers can help support not only the Growlers but the entire air-wing to understand the evolving threat which means that the understanding of threat envelope is being continuously maintained and refreshed. In other words, the air wing has on board officers who can inform the operational community about the changing nature of the threat being experienced in ongoing operations.

More generally, there is a 14-week course at HAVOC, that is a distinct training process that produces “Growler Intelligence Officers,” which are Intel “patch-wearers” similar to Growler Tactics Instructors (GTI), or TOPGUN graduates. These highly specialized Intel Officers will either remain on the NAWDC staff, serve at the Electronic Attack Weapons School in Whidbey Island, or other billets where specialized knowledge of non-kinetic effects is desired. They are distinct from the intel team on a Carrier Air Wing staff.

In short, HAVOC is working within the Navy, the joint force and the coalition a way ahead with regard to kinetic and non-kinetic kill web capabilities.

Given the growing potential of such systems within the evolving battlespace, there will be no end of opportunities and challenges for this part of Naval Aviation.

In 2017, the Williams Foundation held a conference on the future of electronic warfare, which featured presentations from both Australian and US Navy Growler operators. 

US and Spanish Cooperation: Eurofighters Working with Ospreys on Low Altitude Ops

The picture above highlights the kind of collaboration which the United States is conducting with its Spanish allies from the Morón Air Base in Spain.

In the photo, a USMC osprey is seen operating with Spanish Air Force Eurofighters in conducting low altitude detection and intercept missions against slow targets.

The Second Line of Defense team has visited both Morón and interviewed an SP-MAGTF team as well as visiting the Spanish Air Force to discuss their approach to operating and maintaining their Eurofighters.

Special Purpose MAGTF-CR: The Juba Operation

Visiting SP-MAGTF in Spain: Shaping A Robust and Integrated Capability For Operational Planning

Visiting SP-MAGTF in Spain: A Mission Rehearsal Drill for Reinforcing an Embassy

Visiting SP-MAGTF in Spain: The Perspective of the FAC

Visiting Albacete Airbase: Eurofighter Operations and Support

Visiting the Eurofighter Squadron at Albacete, Air Base, Spain

 

F-35 to Eielson Air Force Base, Alaska

U.S. Air Force Col. David Skalicky, the 354th Operations Group commander, and Lt. Col. James Christensen, the 356th Fighter Squadron commander, land, taxi, and park the 354th Fighter Wing’s first assigned F-35A Lightning II fifth-generation fighters at Eielson Air Force Base, Alaska, April 21, 2020.

Eielson’s F-35As will join a team of joint and international partners in the Indo-Pacific theater to modernize defense capabilities in the region and enable coalition-based fighting, international interoperability, and enhanced global reach. (U.S. Air Force video by Airman 1st Class Aaron Larue Guerrisky).

EIELSON AIR FORCE BASE, AK, UNITED STATES

04.21.2020

Video by Airman 1st Class Aaron Guerrisky

354th Fighter Wing Public Affairs

OPV Construction at Adelaide, Australia

05/11/2020

In a further milestone for the Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) program, the two halves of the first of class ship, Arafura, built by Luerssen Australia and its partner ASC have been brought together and welded to form a complete hull.

In what was the largest block move in the history of the Osborne Naval Shipyard and a considerable engineering feat, Australian Naval Infrastructure’s (ANI) operations team manoeuvred the two mega-blocks together, with only millimetres between them.

Australian Department of Defence

May 5, 2020

For our special report on the new build OPV within the overall approach of Australian to new build ships, see the following

A Small Ship with a Big Impact: The Aussies Work the Integrated Distributed Force