The U.S. Navy and the “Hybrid Fleet” Implications for Industry

06/11/2025

By George Galdorisi

The U. S. Navy stands at the precipice of a new era of technology advancement. In an address at a military-industry conference, the then-U.S. Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Michael Gilday, revealed the Navy’s goal to grow to 500 ships, to include 350 crewed ships and 150 uncrewed maritime vessels. This plan has been dubbed the “hybrid fleet.” More recently, this sea change for the “Navy-After-Next” was embodied in the Navy’s Navigation Plan for America’s Warfighting Navy.

The reason for this commitment to uncrewed maritime vessels is clear. During the height of the Reagan Defense Buildup in the mid-1980s, the U.S. Navy evolved a strategy to build a “600-ship Navy.” That effort resulted in a total number of Navy ships that reached 594 in 1987. That number has declined steadily during the past three-and-one-half decades, and today the Navy has less than half the number of commissioned ships than it had then. However, the rapid growth of the technologies that make uncrewed surface vessels (USVs) increasingly capable and affordable has provided the Navy with a potential way to put more hulls in the water.

Juxtaposed against this aspiration is the fact that the U.S. Congress has been reluctant to authorize the Navy’s planned investment of billions of dollars in USVs until the Service can come up with a concept of operations (CONOPS) for using them. Congress has a point. The Navy has announced plans to procure large numbers of uncrewed systems—especially large and medium uncrewed surface vessels—but a CONOPS, one in even the most basic form, has not yet emerged.

That said, the Navy has taken several actions to define what uncrewed maritime vessels will do and thus accelerate its journey to have uncrewed platforms populate the fleet. These include publishing an UNCREWED Campaign Framework; standing up an Uncrewed Task Force; establishing Surface Development Squadron One in San Diego and Uncrewed Surface Vessel Division One in Port Hueneme, California; and conducting many exercises, experiments and demonstrations where Navy operators have had the opportunity to evaluate uncrewed maritime vessels.

These initiatives will serve the Navy well in evolving a convincing CONOPS to describe how these innovative platforms can be leveraged. Fleshing out how this is to be done will require that the Navy describe how these platforms will get to the operating area where they are needed, as well as what missions they will perform once they arrive.

An evolving concept of operations is to marry various size uncrewed surface, subsurface and aerial uncrewed vehicles to perform missions that the U.S. Navy has—and will continue to have—as the Navy-After-Next evolves. The Navy can use a large uncrewed surface vessel (LUSV) as a “truck” to move smaller USVs, UUVs and UAVs into the battle space to perform several important Navy missions such as intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) and mine-countermeasures (MCM). Further, the Navy does not have to wait for a lengthy acquisition process to field capable USVs. Rather, it can use commercial-off-the-self (COTS) USVs and field them soon.

How would this CONOPS for a hybrid fleet evolve? Consider the case of an Expeditionary Strike Group comprised of several amphibious ships underway in the Western Pacific. This Strike Group includes three LUSVs. Depending on the size that is ultimately procured, the LUSV can carry several medium USVs (MUSVs) and deliver them to a point near the area of operations.

These vessels can be sent independently to perform the ISR mission, or alternatively, can launch one or more smaller USVs to perform this mission. Building on work conducted by the Navy laboratory community and sponsored by the Office of Naval Research, MUSVs will have the ability to launch uncrewed aerial vehicles to conduct overhead ISR.

For the MCM mission, the LUSV can deliver several MUSVs equipped with mine-hunting and mine-clearing systems (all of which are COTS platforms such as the MCM-USV, T38 Devil Ray, Shadow Fox and others tested extensively in Navy exercises). Indeed, the T38 Devil Ray has performed this mission in Pacific Fleet-sponsored exercises. These vessels can then undertake the “dull, dirty and dangerous” work previously conducted by Sailors who had to operate in the minefield.

While the full details of how this CONOPS plays out is beyond the scope of this article, this innovative approach accomplishes an important goal. If the U.S. Navy wants to keep its multi-billion-dollar capital ships out of harm’s way, it will need to surge uncrewed maritime vessels into the contested battlespace while its crewed ships stay out of range of adversary anti-access/area denial systems, sensors and weapons.

To be clear, this is not a platform-specific solution, but rather a concept. When fleet operators see a capability with different size uncrewed COTS platforms in the water working together and successfully performing these missions, they will likely press industry to produce even more-capable platforms to perform these missions and thereby accelerating the fielding of a hybrid fleet.

This U.S. Navy hybrid fleet initiative has significant implications for the industry. The uncrewed systems industry is investing in increasing capacity to produce various sized USVs for military missions. This will drive down the unit cost of these vessels which will, in turn, make them more affordable for civilian uses such as remote ocean monitoring, oceanographic surveys and sensing, protecting offshore infrastructure and a host of other missions currently conducted by crewed vessels.

This article was first published in Ocean News and Technology and is reposted with the author’s permission.

Featured image was generated by an AI program.

The generated image portrays a futuristic Navy operation. It features a large uncrewed surface vessel (LUSV) acting as a mobile base, surrounded by smaller uncrewed surface, subsurface, and aerial vehicles. These vehicles are engaged in intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance (ISR), and mine-countermeasures (MCM) missions. The setting is an oceanic environment, highlighting advanced technology and the use of commercial-off-the-shelf (COTS) vehicles for rapid deployment.

HMH-461 Air Assault Training with the King Stallion

06/10/2025

U.S. Marines with Marine Heavy Helicopter Squadron (HMH) 461, Marine Aircraft Group 29, 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing, and 2nd Battalion, 7th Marine Regiment, 1st Marine Division, fly in a CH-53K King Stallion during the air assault portion of Marine Air-Ground Task Force Distributed Maneuver Exercise 1-25 at Marine Corps Air-Ground Combat Center, Twentynine Palms, California, Feb. 11, 2025.

MDMX prepares Marines for future conflicts by combining constructed virtual training with offensive and defensive live-fire and maneuver training scenarios.

Service Level Training Exercise 1-25 is designed to enhance readiness across core Mission Essential Tasks and prepares the MAGTF to execute distributed operations across vast, diverse environments by emphasizing decentralized command and control.

TWENTYNINE PALMS, CALIFORNIA,

02.11.2025

Video by Sgt. Makayla Elizalde 

Marine Corps Air Ground Combat Center

How Brazil’s Multi-Currency Bond Strategy Inadvertently Supports the Russia-China Alliance

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s return to power has marked a significant shift in Brazil’s international positioning, but beneath the surface of diplomatic pragmatism lies a web of contradictions that reveal the complex realities of contemporary geopolitics.

Brazil’s ambitious multi-currency bond strategy, designed to diversify away from dollar dependence, has become entangled with broader efforts to undermine Western sanctions on Russia and strengthen China’s global financial influence — creating an uncomfortable paradox for a nation that officially opposes territorial aggression.

The contradiction is stark: while Brazil publicly condemns Russia’s territorial occupation of Ukraine and positions itself as a neutral mediator, its financial and diplomatic choices increasingly align with systems that enable Russian war capabilities and expand Chinese influence.

Brazil’s pursuit of “strategic autonomy” has evolved into something more troubling — a form of active non-alignment that effectively supports the aggressor in Europe’s largest conflict since World War II.

The Financial Architecture of Contradiction

Brazil’s multi-currency bond strategy, as outlined in recent Financial Times reporting, represents far more than a simple financing diversification.

The plan to issue Brazil’s first sovereign panda bonds in China while re-entering European capital markets after a decade-long absence reflects a calculated effort to reduce dependence on dollar-dominated financial systems.

However, this strategy has become inseparable from broader dedollarization efforts that directly benefit Russia’s war economy.

The financial arithmetic appears compelling on its surface. Renminbi-denominated bonds could potentially offer borrowing costs as low as 2% for 10-year debt, compared to Brazil’s recent dollar issuances at yields of 5.68% for five-year bonds and 6.73% for 10-year debt.

Yet this apparent savings masks a deeper geopolitical calculation that extends far beyond Brazil’s immediate financing needs.

China’s eagerness to provide these favorable terms stems from its broader strategy to establish alternative financial systems that can circumvent Western sanctions.

As U.S. intelligence officials have noted, “China has helped shift the battlefield momentum in Russia’s favor in Ukraine by providing it with components and other material needed to sustain its defense industry”².

Brazil’s participation in Chinese financial markets strengthens these very systems that enable Russian military resilience.

The BRICS Infrastructure: Building Russia’s Financial Lifeline

Brazil’s commitment to BRICS extends far beyond symbolic solidarity.

The bloc has been actively developing what Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov describes as “various financial innovations on the BRICS floor, including the cross-border payment system that can be based, further to bilateral settlements, on national currencies with consideration of digital technologies and digital financial assets.”

This BRICS Pay system represents a direct challenge to the SWIFT financial messaging system that has been central to Western sanctions enforcement.

As recent analysis indicates, “the weaponization of the dollar by the U.S. and its Western allies has accelerated the development of BRICS-Pay. The system facilitates trade in national currencies, cutting the dollar out of the loop.”

The implications for Russia are immediate and substantial.

Major banks have established what officials call a “China Track” netting payment system that “manages trade transactions and avoids exposure to Western monitors and possible secondary sanctions.”

This infrastructure allows Russia to maintain crucial economic relationships despite comprehensive Western sanctions, with Brazil’s participation lending legitimacy and scale to these alternative systems.

Lula’s Moscow Diplomacy: Pragmatism or Enablement?

Lula’s recent visit to Moscow for Victory Day celebrations reveals the complexity of Brazil’s positioning.

During his May 2025 meetings with Vladimir Putin, Lula emphasized that “Brazil’s position is against the territorial occupation of another country” while simultaneously expressing willingness to “help with negotiations—as long as both countries involved are open to our participation.”

This carefully calibrated language reflects “active non-alignment” — a policy framework that positions Brazil as a mediator while systematically undermining the isolation that Western sanctions are designed to achieve.

However, this balancing act has real consequences for the conflict’s trajectory.

While Brazil was “the only member of the BRICS grouping to support a Feb. 23 United Nations Assembly resolution calling on Russia to pull its troops out of Ukraine,” it did so only after introducing amendments advocating for a total ceasefire — effectively creating diplomatic cover for Russian positions.

China’s Material Support: The Financial-Military Nexus

The connection between financial systems and military capabilities becomes clear when examining China’s support for Russia’s war effort.

China’s  material support operates alongside financial mechanisms that Brazil helps legitimize through its participation in Chinese-led institutions.

The New Development Bank, established by BRICS nations, explicitly commits to “using local currency finance rather than solely relying on the US dollar.”

While presented as a development finance initiative, this infrastructure creates the foundation for broader sanctions circumvention.

The scale of this financial relationship is staggering.

China’s total trade with Russia reached a record $190 billion in 2022, providing crucial economic support that enables continued military operations.

Brazil’s participation in systems that facilitate this trade — through BRICS mechanisms and Chinese financial markets — makes it an indirect but significant enabler of Russian war capabilities.

The Dedollarization Strategy: Beyond Economic Policy

Brazil’s embrace of dedollarization extends far beyond traditional economic policy into the realm of geopolitical transformation.

As BRICS develops what officials describe as “an alternative to SWIFT,” the initiative represents “a cross-border payment system that would provide an alternative to SWIFT and minimize reliance on the dollar.”

The strategic implications are profound.  More immediately relevant to the Ukraine conflict, these systems provide Russia with crucial financial infrastructure that reduces the effectiveness of Western sanctions.

BRICS expansion has accelerated these trends, with the bloc now including Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, and as of 2025, Indonesia.

Partner countries including Algeria, Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Turkey, Uganda, Vietnam, and Uzbekistan further expand the network.

This growing coalition creates what Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi describes as “an equal dialogue between representatives of the Global Majority and the West in the financial and economic sphere.”

The Ukrainian Perspective: Recognizing the Threat

Ukrainian officials have begun to recognize the threat posed by seemingly neutral financial initiatives.

In April 2025, President Volodymyr Zelensky “summoned the PRC ambassador in Kyiv after Chinese nationals were captured fighting in eastern Ukraine” and stated that “over 150 Chinese nationals were fighting on Russia’s side in Ukraine.”

Zelensky subsequently stated that “the PRC was supplying Russia with gunpowder and artillery.”

This direct military involvement occurs alongside financial support that Brazil’s policies inadvertently strengthen.

As Zelensky has noted, “without the Chinese market for the Russian Federation, Russia would be feeling complete economic isolation.”

Brazil’s participation in Chinese financial systems helps prevent this isolation from becoming reality.

The interconnection between financial and military support becomes clear when examining recent sanctions.

In December 2024, “the EU included sanctions against several Chinese and Hong Kong entities for supporting Russia’s military,” and in February 2025, “the EU added 25 Chinese and Hong Kong entities to a blacklist for circumventing sanctions on Russia, including a drone factory in Xinjiang.”

The Fiscal Contradiction: Domestic Crisis, International Ambition

Brazil’s pursuit of alternative financing occurs against a backdrop of deteriorating domestic fiscal metrics that complicate its international positioning.

The country’s nominal public deficit has widened to 7.8% of GDP under Lula’s administration, while gross government debt has reached 76% of GDP — among the highest in emerging markets.

Goldman Sachs’ chief Latin America economist warns that Brazil needs to “adjust the budget deficit by three percentage points of GDP to make finances sustainable,” describing the administration as constantly “thinking about new ways to spend money.”

This fiscal pressure creates incentives for Brazil to embrace any financing source that offers favorable terms, regardless of broader geopolitical implications.

The contradiction becomes apparent when considering currency hedging costs. While renminbi bonds appear cheaper, “effective rates potentially reaching nearly 14% when hedged back into Brazilian reais” would actually exceed Brazil’s current domestic borrowing costs.

This suggests that the appeal of Chinese financing stems from strategic rather than purely economic considerations.

Historical Precedents and Continuity

Brazil’s current positioning reflects deeper historical patterns that transcend partisan politics.

As some analysts note, “Moscow has long been a low-intensity all-weather friend to Brasília, offering a relationship free of the complexities and criticisms that have shaped Brazil’s ties to the West.”

This relationship has provided consistent benefits across different administrations.

“Brazilian center-right and far-right presidents have also used the Brazil-Russia relationship to their benefit,” with even Jair Bolsonaro depending on “the BRICS as a diplomatic life raft” when isolated from Western powers.

The continuity suggests structural rather than ideological drivers behind Brazil’s positioning.

The pattern extends to BRICS institutions more broadly.

During Dilma Rousseff’s presidency, “the government refused to bow to Western pressure to disinvite Russian President Vladimir Putin to a BRICS summit in Brazil after he invaded the Crimean Peninsula” in 2014.

This historical precedent established Brazil’s reluctance to allow geopolitical considerations to override BRICS solidarity.

The Multipolar Vision: Strategic Autonomy or Moral Neutrality?

Brazil’s leadership frames its approach through the lens of “benign multipolarity” and “cooperative multipolarity” — concepts that “regard the emergence of multipolarity not as a threat, but as an opportunity.”

This vision sees Russia as a legitimate pole in a multipolar system, regardless of its conduct in Ukraine. During his Moscow visit, Lula emphasized that “Brazil is advocating for the strengthening of multilateralism” and criticized those “wanting to return to protectionist theories.”

However, this multilateral approach effectively legitimizes Russian participation in global governance despite ongoing territorial aggression.

Economic Interdependence and Strategic Dependence

Brazil’s relationships with both China and Russia involve significant economic dependencies that constrain policy options. China represents Brazil’s largest trading partner, and the panda bond initiative emerged from Lula’s state visit to Beijing.

These dependencies operate within a broader framework of South-South cooperation that Brazil’s leadership sees as essential for development.

The challenge lies in distinguishing between legitimate economic partnership and enablement of territorial aggression through financial systems that circumvent international sanctions.

The European Dimension: Diplomatic Contradictions

Brazil’s simultaneous pursuit of European financial market re-entry reveals additional contradictions in its strategy. The European Union has explicitly linked “expanded bilateral trade” to offering Brazil bond market access, creating incentives for sanctions compliance that Brazil’s BRICS commitments undermine.

European officials have grown increasingly concerned about the contradictions in Brazil’s positioning. German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock noted that “increasing Chinese support for Russia’s war against Ukraine has an impact on our relations” and affects “core German and European security interests.” Similar concerns apply to Brazil’s indirect support through Chinese financial systems.

However, Brazil’s broader geopolitical positioning may prove more problematic than its fiscal metrics for European investors increasingly concerned about exposure to sanctions circumvention.

Brazil’s participation in Chinese-led financial systems places it within a broader pattern of indirect support for Russian war capabilities.

Policy Implications and Future Trajectories

While Brazil may not directly supply military equipment, its financial choices strengthen the very systems that enable Chinese support for Russian military production.

Brazil’s leaders may genuinely believe they are pursuing legitimate economic interests while maintaining diplomatic neutrality.

However, the cumulative effect of their choices — participating in Chinese financial systems, legitimizing Russian international participation, and developing sanctions-circumventing payment mechanisms — creates material support for ongoing territorial aggression.

The challenge for international policymakers lies in recognizing how seemingly neutral economic choices can become entangled with security threats.

Brazil’s multi-currency bond strategy may appear to be straightforward financial diversification, but its broader context reveals how economic policy has become inseparable from geopolitical positioning in an era of major power competition.

Featured image generated by an AI program.

Training for Modern Airpower Operations: How to Address the Challenges

06/09/2025

By Robbin Laird

On June 3, 2025, I had a chance to meet with Air Vice-Marshal Glen Braz, Air Commander Australia, to follow up on his participation in the Sir Richard Williams Foundation seminar held on May 23, 2025. What I specifically wanted to talk with him about is the key challenges facing training an air combat force which is fifth-generation enabled.

As I have described the F-35 in my work with the aircraft since 2004, the aircraft is a “flying combat system” which works in wolfpacks. Secretary Michael W. Wynne the architect of the concept of fifth generation airpower has focused on how these aircraft – F-22s and F-35s – operate as sensors identifying targets rather than shoot first fighter jets.

This has been part of driving significant change in how an integrated high-end air force operates in terms of shaping an end-to-end ecosystem that enables the various platforms to deliver effects as an integrated force.

Obviously, integration is a dynamic process, which changes as new capabilities are added to the force, and software upgrades come to the platforms within the air combat system taken as a whole.

How then to train pilots from the outset and then through their lifecycle as air warriors to work in such a dynamic system?

“This is not about me being the best F/A-18F pilot I can be,” Braz explains. “It’s about me being a contributor to an ecosystem that is a vast team that generates effects chains across the battle space.” This mindset shift represents perhaps the most significant challenge facing modern air force training systems.

The F-35, with its advanced sensor fusion and networking capabilities, operates fundamentally differently from traditional fighters. Rather than individual aircraft engaging in classic dogfights, fifth-generation platforms function as nodes in a broader network, sharing sensor data and coordinating effects across multiple domains. This “wolf pack” mentality requires pilots to understand not just their own aircraft’s capabilities, but how those capabilities integrate with ground-based systems, maritime platforms, space assets, and increasingly, autonomous systems.

The Training Bottleneck

Australia’s experience illustrates the complex interdependencies that make scaling modern air combat training so challenging. Braz describes what he calls the “temporal discipline model” – a carefully structured progression where pilots spend three to four years developing both platform proficiency and ecosystem integration skills during their initial operational tour.

The challenge isn’t simply producing more pilots. “If I uplift the numbers of aircrew, they’ve got to fly more. They’ve got to have more technicians to help them fly more. They’ve got to have more sustainment and sparing,” Braz notes. The entire system must scale proportionally, or imbalances emerge that can compromise the training pipeline’s effectiveness.

This reality forces difficult choices. In a resource-constrained environment, adding more pilots without corresponding increases in flying hours and training capacity can actually reduce the quality of training each individual receives. The result is a delicate balancing act between quantity and quality that has no easy solutions.

Synthetic Solutions

The answer, increasingly, lies in sophisticated synthetic training environments. Live, Virtual, and Constructive (LVC) training systems are becoming essential tools for providing the complex, networked training scenarios that fifth-generation operations require.

“Our integrated advanced training environment and synthetic training environment becomes really important,” Braz emphasizes. These systems allow pilots to practice the “really difficult reps and sets” required to master fifth-generation operations without the prohibitive costs and logistical challenges of live training exercises.

The U.S. Air Force is investing heavily in high-fidelity synthetic training environments, but smaller air forces like Australia’s must find the right balance between capability and cost. The goal is to create systems that can integrate with allied training networks while remaining affordable for nations with more modest defense budgets.

The Software Variable

One of the most underappreciated aspects of modern air combat training is the challenge posed by continuous software upgrades. Unlike previous generations of military aircraft, fifth-generation platforms are essentially flying computers that receive regular capability updates throughout their service lives.

This creates a persistent training challenge: pilots and maintainers must continuously adapt to evolving capabilities, and training systems must account for aircraft operating at different software block levels within the same unit. The F-35’s block upgrades, for instance, can significantly alter the aircraft’s capabilities, sensor performance, and weapons integration options.

Force Integration Leadership

Australia has developed an innovative approach to this challenge through its Air Warfare Instructors Course, a highly selective program that runs every two years. This intensive six-month course produces what Braz calls “force integrators” – officers who become experts in air power integration and serve as leaders for the next generation of aviators.

These instructors play a crucial role in bridging the gap between platform-specific training and ecosystem-wide thinking. They help junior pilots understand that mastering their individual aircraft is just the foundation for operating in a networked, multi-domain environment.

The Maritime Dimension

For nations like Australia, the integration challenge extends beyond air-to-air combat to encompass maritime operations. “Air is intrinsically maritime capable,” Braz argues, pushing back against the tendency to view air and naval capabilities as separate domains.

The F-35’s sensor capabilities, combined with platforms like the MQ-4 Triton, create intelligence and targeting capabilities that are “highly sought after by our Navy counterparts.” This integration becomes even more important as autonomous maritime systems proliferate, creating new opportunities for air-sea coordination.

Looking Forward

The training challenges identified by Australia’s experience reflect broader issues facing air forces worldwide. The fundamental shift from platform-centric to network-centric operations requires new approaches to everything from initial pilot training to advanced tactical instruction.

The solution isn’t simply adopting new technology but rethinking the entire approach to air combat training.

This includes:

  • Mindset transformation: Moving from individual excellence to ecosystem contribution.
  • Synthetic integration: Leveraging virtual environments for complex, networked training scenarios.
  • Continuous adaptation: Building training systems that can evolve with rapidly changing technology.
  • Cross-domain thinking: Preparing aviators for multi-domain operations from the beginning of their careers.

The Bottom Line

As Air Vice-Marshal Braz’s insights make clear, the transition to fifth-generation air combat represents more than a technological upgrade — it’s a fundamental reimagining of how air power operates. Training systems developed for previous generations of aircraft are inadequate for preparing pilots to operate in networked, multi-domain environments.

The air forces that successfully navigate this transition will be those that embrace the complexity of ecosystem-wide training while finding practical, cost-effective solutions to the resource challenges it presents. Australia’s approach offers valuable lessons, but each nation must find its own path through this transformation.

Featured Image: (L-R) Commodore Training, Royal Australian Navy officer Commodore John Stavridis, CSC, RAN, talks with Air Commander Australia, Royal Australian Air Force officer Air Vice Marshal Glen Braz, AM, CSC, DSM, during the inaugural Australian Maritime Weapons and Tactics Conference at HMAS Watson in Sydney, New South Wales. May 9, 2025. Credit: Australian Department of Defence

VMFA-323 in South China Sea

06/06/2025

U.S. Marines with Marine Fighting Squadron 323 conducts routine exercises over the South China Sea during Exercise Balikatan 25, in Aparri, Philippines, May 3, 2025.

Balikatan is a longstanding annual exercise between the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the U.S. military. (U.S. Marine Corps courtesy video)

APARRI, PHILIPPINES

05.04.2025

Courtesy Video

Exercise Balikatan

An Update on the Tiltrotor Enterprise: How to Reduce Osprey Maintenance Cycle Time by 24%

06/05/2025

Recently, DVIDS. provided a story which highlights how reworking maintenance regimes can enhance the readiness of the MV-22. Frankly, this is a core theme which needs to be addressed across the ready force: how can we rework organaiatoxal and structural arrangements to enhance the readiness of the “fight tonight” force?

The article was published on May 27, 2025 and was written by Michael A Furlano 

That article follows:

Fleet Readiness Center Southwest’s (FRCSW) mission is to maintain the operational readiness of advanced aircraft like the CMV-22 Osprey.

The command provides crucial support to the men and women of the Navy and Marine Corps allowing them to deliver the lethality necessary to defeat any foe.

Recently, the FRCSW Props team achieved a significant milestone by reducing the Planned Maintenance Interval (PMI) cycle for the CMV-22 from 264 days to under 200 days – a reduction of more than 24%.

The accelerated maintenance timeline directly supports naval aviation readiness goals, ensuring the military have the reliable aircraft they require for success on the battlefield.

The CMV-22 Osprey is a complex tiltrotor aircraft combining the vertical takeoff and landing capabilities of a helicopter with the speed and range of a fixed wing plane.

Its PMI cycle involves extensive inspection, repair, testing and refurbishment of critical systems including engines, rotors, avionics and airframe components.

The team managers laid out all phases/processes/etc. required and worked directly with the artisans performing the work to develop a new way to sequence events.

Through this workflow analysis and process optimization effort, the FRCSW team identified and eliminated inefficiencies in multiple maintenance phases, setting the stage to achieve this milestone.

The analysis enabled the team to significantly shorten the PMI cycle without sacrificing the high standards required for safety and quality.

A key factor in the accelerated PMI cycle was working with outside entities to ensure any delays outside the commands purview would not prevent the team from reaching their goal.

The FRCSW team worked closely with external partners thus by proactively managing the entire repair cycle and improving communication throughout, the team avoided delays that had previously extended maintenance timelines.

Reducing the CMV-22 PMI cycle from 264 to 200 days translates directly into more aircraft available for training, deployment and operational readiness.

The CMV-22 plays a vital role in carrier onboard delivery and logistics support, making its availability essential for sustained naval operations.

This achievement reflects FRCSW’s commitment to providing the Navy and Marine Corps with the mission capable aircraft they need.

By accelerating maintenance cycles, the team ensures that sailors and marines have reliable, ready-to-fly tools to successfully execute their mission and maintain strategic advantage.

FRCSW will continue to innovate and refine maintenance processes for the CMV-22 and other fleet assets.

The goal remains clear: to sustain and improve aircraft readiness so that naval aviation forces can remain agile, effective and prepared for the challenges of today and tomorrow.

FRCSW employees are the Backbone of Readiness!

A Tiltrotor Enterprise: From Iraq to the Future