Shaping a Way Ahead for Australian Defence: It is Not Just About ADF Modernization

10/21/2022

By Robbin Laird

After the Williams Foundation Seminar held on September 28, 2022, I had a chance to discuss some of the takeaways with regard to the way ahead for Australian defence with my colleague Air Vice-Marshal (Retired) John Blackburn.

We started by focusing on how in reshaping the ADF and the defence ecosystem in Australia to deal with the direct threats to Australia posed in the Indo-Pacific, a much broader focus is required than simply on the ADF and its role as a professional force.

Blackburn underscored that “our defence force is professional and capable but it is small. And it relies on a civilian infrastructure which is fairly limited as well.

“When we focus on ways to ramp up the capabilities of the force, this will not come with simply buying shiny new platforms. As we re-design and reshape the force with increased numbers of personnel, training is a key part of the effort.

“And to manage disruptions as we look in the near to mid-term to add new force enablers, such as robotic systems, is a challenge to be dealt with as well. We need to be able to fight in the near term which means that we cannot simply just reorganise the force to the point of reducing operational capabilities.”

Another key aspect of the focus of attention is upon how to enhance the resilience of Australian society in support of the direct defence of Australia. This requires as well building an enhanced industrial base in Australia and shape mobilization potential to deal with crises.

But how does one build or participate in a wider allied “arsenal of democracy,” when the Western economies are service-oriented and with the challenges to re-industrialization posed by the geopolitical crisis associated with energy production and oft stated goal of dealing with a “climate emergency”?

As Blackburn noted: “When we mobilized in World War 2, we were part of a wider American-led effort to shape an arsenal of democracy. Now we are a services and mineral extraction economy so how do we now build relevant industrial capabilities to support mobilization?”

We then discussed the impact of globalization in obscuring the dependencies the liberal democracies have built with their authoritarian competitors. Clearly, what is needed is an effort to understand and shape reliable and secure supply chains.

This means that governments and the society actually have to understand the security implications of globalized economic actions and how to manage them and with whom. This also means sorting through who specific partners are in specific and discrete supply chain areas of interest and that can be trusted. This could be done in part by government actually building data bases that can support such an effort, and with all the hype about artificial intelligence, perhaps these data bases could provide dynamic input into reliable supply chain decision making approaches and policies.

Blackburn has focused for some time in his work on ways to shape understanding and policies to deal with the resilience challenge associated with fragile supply chains. “We need to target specific areas in terms of key supplies. As a country of 26 million people, we are not going to be sovereign in terms of ownership of a complete capability to defend ourselves. This means that we need to lead an effort with allies to understand what critical supplies we will need and how we are going to build ways to ensure trade flows in times of crisis.”

What is required in the shift to the priority in the direct defence of Australia is a degree of honesty about alliances, partnerships, and vulnerabilities in terms of mobilization potential for Australia on its own. Australia cannot only depend on an ally to show up and protect its interests. It cannot assume that it can engage in extended defence with the existing level of defence supplies or mobilizable in the near term.

How then to shape a more realistic discussion and policy in terms of how Australia can defend itself albeit within an alliance context?

As Blackburn forcefully emphasized: “the very starting point for what we need to do is being really honest about what the situation for Australian defence is and what we can and can’t do when crises come. As a nation, we are not facing that reality. We are not being brutally honest about our risks and vulnerabilities when facing a complex threat posed by the various dimensions of power which China possess and exercises. Business as usual is no longer acceptable. Spending more money on defence systems alone is not going to solve the problems in and of themselves.

“The scale of the potential threats requires a change in the national approach and generating change as well within our broader relationships with allies and partners. The way ahead for defence is not simply to discuss platforms or equipment. It is about how to change the national ecosystem for national resilience and mobilization potential across our alliances and partnerships.”

Looking at the current situation in Ukraine, Blackburn posed this question: “One of the questions we had to look at is how do we think the Australian population would respond to a large-scale mobilisation? One of Australia’s challenges is that we have a complacent culture and the world we have entered does not prioritize complacency.

“What we need to be able to do is not only to project power in our region, but to do so with as much resilient strategic depth as we can muster with an alliance effort where we have allies who are on the same page.”

Featured graphic: Photo 178979193 / Australian Map © Sonyasgar | Dreamstime.com

 

The MANTAS at Euronaval 2022

10/20/2022
Martac at Euronaval

By Pierre Tran

Paris – MARTAC, a private U.S. company, displayed its Mantas uncrewed surface vessel (USV) for the first time at the Euronaval trade show, which opened Oct. 18. at Le Bourget, just outside the capital.

A civil version of the Mantas T12 vessel in distinctive bright yellow and fitted for autonomous operations in search and survey missions was presented at the show.

The vessel was equipped with a sonar system for exploring the seabed and detecting objects, said Daniel Esser, managing director of Subsea Europe Services, the European partner of MARTAC. Subsea Europe is based in Hamburg, northern Germany.

That version of the 3.6-meter long Mantas T12 carried two INS systems for high precision navigation and a Flir camera for infrared optical viewing. Other cameras could be fitted, depending on operational need, which included military missions.

More than 30 USVs have operated in Australia, Bahrain, New Zealand, the U.K., and the U.S., said Bruce Hanson, chief executive of Maritime Tactical Systems, based in Melbourne, FL.

“MARTAC has been working with military and commercial customers for years in not only experiments, but real-world operations,” he said. “This constant feedback has shaped the capabilities of our advanced USV solutions.”

U.S. special forces have taken trial vessels and made them fully operational, he said.

The vessels have been used for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, and logistical support. In one case, an uncrewed boat was used for medical evacuation of two injured personnel, accompanied by two medical staff,  from their ship to a larger ship.

The U.S. navy has used the USV for ship-to-ship and ship-to-shore operations in Guam, and delivered medical supplies for the Fifth Fleet in Bahrain, he said.

The larger Devil Ray uncrewed boat, powered by gas or diesel fuel, can carry eight to 12 passengers, and can hit top speed of more than 80 knots. A chase boat can be fitted with a canopy to protect personnel on board, while other versions can be used for detecting mines or mine laying offensives.

These uncrewed boats can be used for tactical military missions, and could be “weaponized,” he said.

The USVs could be deployed in swarms, with dozens of vessels operating in full autonomy to overwhelm conventional, crewed ships. The U.S. navy has included USVs in war games, showing potential deployment of swarms of hundreds of uncrewed boats.

Some countries are using the USV for narcotics seizure, operating night time surveillance. The vessels can lie almost below the water, making them hard to see.

Tests of the Mantas T12 in Europe have been conducted in the Baltic and North Sea, Esser said.

The results have been “very satisfying,” he said. The plan was to have three of the vessels in Europe next year, five in 2024, and 10 in 2025.

The aim is to develop the vessel, to add artificial intelligence and increase autonomy. The civil version on display could operate for up to eight hours at sea, with two or three sets of batteries on board, located under a flush panel toward the vessel’s bow.

There is development work to give greater endurance and faster charging of the battery packs.

The Mantas T12 hull is made of carbon fiber, and is based on an aerodynamic laminar flow design to give a high level of stability, Hanson said. The boat went on sale in 2019, just as the Covid pandemic hit.

Some $12 million has been invested on research on the USV hull. The Mantas uses a catamaran hull.

No financial details were available for the company.

There was potential for the company to raise capital, but only if that were needed, Hanson said.

There are three versions of the Devil Ray USV, with the 11.1-meter long T38 model due to enter full production in the first quarter 2023, the company website shows. The T24 model, measuring 7.2 meters, is also due in the first quarter 2023.

The T50 model, with a length of 15.2 meters, is in pre-production, and is the version with the highest speed of more than 80 knots, depending on the propulsion configuration and payload.

Editor’s Note: This is the first of our reports from the Euronaval show with more to follow in coming days.

Building a Platform for Wolfpack Unmanned Surface Vessel Kill Web Operations

Delivering Mission Capabilities to the Fleet via USVs: From Platforms to the Payloads

 

Following up with Dr. Alan Dupont: Shaping a Way Ahead for Australian Defence

By Robbin Laird

Dr. Dupont provided the launch presentation for the recent Williams Foundation Seminar held on September 28, 2022. That seminar focused on key questions and challenges facing the ADF as it addressed the shift to focus primarily on the direct defense of Australia.

In his presentation, Dupont provided a comprehensive examination of how fluid and dynamic that environment was for Australia and the liberal democracies. He underscored that several crises were happening at the same time, and that the demand side on nations of having to deal with multiple crises at the same time presented an overload situation.

For Australia, this meant that its economy was challenged by several developments at the same time. The pandemic exposed the supply chain vulnerabilities of an island continent. The globalization disruption and re-direction meant that the core relationship between China and Australia which has been part of Australia’s prosperity was significantly undercut. The war in Ukraine posed both supply chain disruptions, economic downturns and brought back dramatically the threat of global conflict.

For the nation, Dupont underscored that defence and security were clearly not simply an ADF challenge or to be funded simply by defence budgetary requirements.

How to build more secure supply chains?

How would doing so disrupt the trade order and the global WTO rules?

How to deal with the energy crisis?

How to ensure energy supply?

How will Australia deal with coal and nuclear energy issues?

The broader point was simply that defence was no longer the province of the professional ADF; the global crises posed challenges beyond the remit of a professional force like the ADF could deal with.

And what is required was shifting from a peacetime mindset to one which understood the cascading challenges to Australian sovereignty and to the nation.

John Blackburn and I had the chance to follow up with Dr. Dupont and to discuss his thoughts on the nature of the challenge and some key elements in shaping an effective way ahead for Australia. Dupont noted that in the 1990s there was a debate on the need for a broader national security strategy, and that debate has now returned in the new context in which threats have increased and become more complex.

But because of the difficulties of shaping a comprehensive national security policy, the reality is that, in Dupont’s words, “defence will have to push on and shape a more comprehensive approach within the limits of what a Department of Defence and ADF can do.”

The focus will be on a broader interpretation of what defence needs to encompass such as with regard to mobilization and enhanced Australian domestic defence industry. And it is through these prisms that the broader aspects of national security policy will be addressed.

Dupont underscored the impact of cascading global crises ramping up the threat envelope and shaping a greater sense of urgency with regard to the direct defence of Australia. He argued: “that for the first time in 40 years, we have the real possibility of changing public mindsets about the challenges and the need to respond.”

According to Dupont: “we’re no longer in a peacetime situation. And that realization is now beginning to percolate through the political system and within the general public.”

The alliance piece is crucial and Australia will pursue greater interdependence with U.S. forces but there is a significant change as well. According to Dupont: “the old U.S. dominated hub and spokes alliance is becoming much more like a European style Alliance, where there’s a lot more interaction among the Allies themselves. And the U.S. needs to have Australians on board in ways they wouldn’t have conceived of a couple of years ago, such as building the defence industrial base jointly.”

We agreed that the initial focus needs to be upon getting measurable improvements in the existing force along the lines discussed in the seminar with regard to lethality and survivability. But to get the kind of force multipliers both Australia and its allies need will require expanded trust and cooperation in building new defence capabilities as well.

The defence industrial base throughout the alliance is not up to the tasks now required from it. As Dupont warned: “We just don’t build enough of what is needed for defence these days. We have suddenly realized that China controls 80 percent of the ecosystem that’s critical to defence.  It is not just about building platforms but building out an effective defence ecosystem as well among the allies.”

And we need to have a compressed time perspective.

What can we build out in five years not twenty?

He argued that a key focus needs to be on finding ways to ramp up the defence industrial base rapidly and in realistic ways. He put the challenge and the opportunity this way: “We need to build a new defence industrial base quickly and efficiently by harnessing the financial and manufacturing power of the private sector. And  we must be able to better support, sustain and protect our deployed units on the future battlefield.”

New technologies are emerging that can do so such as in the robotic domain and in 3D printing and other innovative approaches. But new partnership approaches with Australian industry are required in order to deliver the speed and scale of build required to prepare the ADF for challenges ahead.

He has argued in his recent Australian piece and in his presentation to the seminar that another key focus needs to be upon “the need to project power into the region for alliances purposes. We need to keep the big predator away as far as possible, rather than let the predator get close. Becoming a porcupine is not enough: you might make yourself spikier but get rolled over and eaten anyway.

“We need a combination of being able to defend Australian territory but also having a capacity for long range strike, and an integrated system supporting allies, at least up to Australia’s first island chain which runs through Indonesia, PNG and the adjacent small Pacific Island states to our north. Such an approach needs to be part of the guidance for the force that we need for the future.”

We then closed our discussion by focusing on the intersection of territorial defence with power projection by discussing the way ahead with regard to building out defence infrastructure including allied training facilities in the Northern Territory. He argued that by working with allies, the United States, Japan, South Korea could lead to joint investment which could accelerate the build out of defence infrastructure in the top end.

But to do so in his perspective required a different investment model as well. “With government leadership, we could develop a whole series of public private partnerships around enabling dual purpose infrastructure in the Northern Territory. The real secret is to liberate money from our private financial sector and to give reasonable returns on investment for dual use infrastructure in the Northern Territory.”

Featured Photo: Dr. Alan Dupont speaking to the Williams Foundation Seminar September 28, 2022.

Exercise Koolendong 22

10/19/2022

U.S. Marines with Marine Rotational Force-Darwin (MRF-D) 22, U.S. Army Soldiers, and Australian Army soldiers participate in exercise Koolendong 22 across the Northern Territory and Western Australia from July 10 through Aug. 2, 2022.

Exercise Koolendong 22 is a combined and joint force exercise focused on expeditionary advanced base operations conducted by U.S. Marines, U.S. Soldiers, U.S. Airmen, and Australian Defence Force personnel.

08.03.2022

Video by Cpl. Emeline Molla Marine Rotational Force – Darwin

France and the War Economy: The Perspective of Thales

By Pierre Tran

Paris – The arms industry and the armed forces ministry are holding talks on how to share the financial risk of building up stocks of weapons, as France moves toward what it calls a war economy after the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

“Who takes on the commercial risk in an industry where the goods cannot be freely sold?” Thales executive chairman Patrice Caine told Oct. 17 the two press clubs Defense Journalists Association and Association of Aerospace Journalists.

“What is the new balance?” he said.

The defense ministry and arms manufacturers are in talks on building up stocks and speeding up production following a June 13 speech by president Emmanuel Macron, with the head of state saying the war in Ukraine meant France and Europe were entering “a war economy” and needed to organize accordingly.

Weapons cannot be freely sold in an open market and are built to government order, Caine said, unlike the civil aviation sector, where Thales can take industrial risk and can pitch its aeronautics systems to aircraft builders such as Airbus, Boeing, Embraer, and Dassault.

The reliance on government orders applied across the rest of Europe and the U.S., he said, with the arms industry a highly specific business, an obvious fact but one which people tend to forget.

There is a long development cycle in building weapons, he said, which was not “compressible,’ although certain shortcuts could be made if there were anticipation with stocks and sub-assemblies held in hand.

European countries have announced plans to increase defense spending due to the war in Ukraine, he said, and that roughly doubled the “visibility” compared to the usual industrial outlook of four or five years.

In a war economy, there is what the client “sees” as a shorter production cycle, and the reality of the industrial process, he said. In that respect, there was a similarity between faster arms procurement and an impulse purchase of a smartphone, which took 12-18 months to develop and build from high technology components.

Who finances the stocks and where the cursor should be are part of the discussions with the armed forces ministry, he said.

The defense minister, Sébastien Lecornu, held Sept. 6 a round table meeting with the chiefs of staff, procurement chief, secretary general of defense and national security, and industry leaders, and set out the aims of adapting to a war economy.

Lecornu laid out four objectives, seeking capability to build more equipment, speed up delivery, and meet budget targets, the ministry said in a statement. The war in Ukraine showed the need to build up stocks of munitions in a “high intensity conflict.”

The top priority was to manage munitions, with the services building up their stock of munitions to allow them to respond to a “major engagement,” the ministry said.

As part of managing munitions, companies were called on to build up stocks of raw material to respond effectively to the ministry’s orders, and companies committed to speeding up production on high priority equipment, the ministry said. There was a study of companies in the defense industrial base to pool their stock.

That pooling of raw material was relatively easy for prime contractors, a defense analyst said, but there was a question for smaller contractors, which needed to find funding. Financing that building up of munitions needed to be addressed.

A speeding up of production could be seen with 155 mm shells being delivered in three months instead of nine, with the Caesar self-propelled artillery built in 24 months instead of 30, and soon to be speeded up to 12, the ministry statement said.

The other targets set by the minister were to simplify operational requirements, cut red tape for arms procurement, and ensure the supply chain was not dependent on foreign companies.

Caine referred to a meeting to be held Oct. 26, when asked about relations with the German industrial partner on the future combat air system (FCAS).

France and Germany are holding a bilateral ministerial summit meeting Oct. 26, seen as a key date in resolving a long standing dispute between Airbus Defence and Space, based in Germany, and Dassault Aviation, headquartered in the suburbs of the French capital.

“Political pressure has moved things along,” the defense analyst said, and there seems to have been movement in that industrial row.

Airbus DS has held off signing a contract, seeking to share a joint prime contractorship with Dassault. The French company has insisted on playing the lead role on the phase 1B to develop and build a technology demonstrator for a next generation fighter at the heart of the FCAS.

France, Germany and Spain back the FCAS project, estimated to be worth some €80 billion ($79 billion). The planned fighter would replace the Rafale and Eurofighter.

A second defense analyst said perhaps there might be an announcement on work on the demonstrator, but that might be a diplomatic gesture, with perhaps the project to be curtailed after the prototype is built.

“Let’s see after phase 1B,” the analyst said. Work on a demonstrator would help  Airbus to “master the technology.”

There is much at stake as the concept of European sovereignty underpins the FCAS project, the analyst said, and diplomacy calls for some form of a positive announcement to be made at the summit.

Meanwhile, on the prospect of the U.K. cutting the defense budget, Caine said Thales had to wait and see, and then adapt to spending decisions.

“Let’s wait and see what the British government tells us it wants to do,” he said.

Both the candidates who campaigned for leadership of the political party spoke of spending up to three percent, he said, and in view of the state of the British economy, it was hard to say what would happen next.

The company would adapt to what the government decided, while explaining the consequences, he said.

Defense minister Ben Wallace and one of his deputies, armed forces minister James Heappey, are reported Oct. 18 to have indicated to be ready to resign if  prime minister Liz Truss failed to observe a pledge to boost annual defense spending to three percent from two percent of gross domestic product by 2030, worth an estimated £100 billion ($113 billion) a year.

Truss last month won the votes of members of the Conservative party and gained her appointment as prime minister, beating her competitor, Rishi Sunak, who was previously chancellor of the exchequer, or finance minister.

Truss is under severe political pressure following her appointment of Jeremy Hunt as chancellor. Hunt has said he would ask all government ministries to cut spending, after his cancelling deeply unpopular tax cuts announced by his predecessor, Kwasi Kwarteng, who lost public and political favor due to his mini-budget.

Truss summarily fired Kwarteng last week because of financial crises sparked by his mini-budget, which proposed those tax cuts for the wealthy.

The Thales U.K. unit builds weapons including the Starstreak short range missile and Lightweight Multirole Missile, dubbed the Martlet, reported to have been shipped to Ukrainian forces. The British market is a major contributor to the company’s balance sheet, with total sales of €17 billion ($17 billion) expected for this year.

Featured Photo: 24th March 2022. Emmanuel Macron, President of France during press conference, after NATO Extraordinary Summit. Brussels, Belgium

The Australian Army in Transition: The Perspective of Lt. General Simon Stuart

By Robbin Laird

In his presentation at the recent Indian Ocean Defence & Security Conference, the recently appointed Chief of Army, Lt. General Simon Stuart highlighted how he saw the way ahead for the Australian Army.

“War is a national endeavour, and as a so-called middle power, we fight alongside allies and partners. As to the character of the next war, and to quote General H. R. McMaster, “we have a perfect record of predicting future wars… and that record is zero percent”.

“So we must be prepared for the fight beyond the opening battles, as wars are inevitably longer, more demanding and more visceral than imagined by those who speak, in my view, with undue certitude about the character of the next war.

“War requires national resilience, national means and national will.

“Our strategic environment has and will continue to change unevenly and at pace. And our ability to adapt must be similarly agile.

“As part of the ADF, your Army must be able to field and sustain relevant and credible land power options for our government. Including the things that only an Army can do – land combat – the demands of which are more lethal, more complex, and certainly more consequential than they have been in a long time.

“Your Army is transforming to keep pace with the changing character of warfare. To prevail in 21st century your Army must be better connected, protected, lethal and enabled.

“Your Army will make a greater contribution at the operational and strategic levels, through new and transformed capabilities such as long-range fires, littoral manoeuvre, cyber, space, information warfare, and special operations forces.

“Your Army is modernising its scalable, world-class combined arms fighting system that gives our soldiers the best probability of mission success in the most lethal environments and the best chance of coming home….

“Your Army is enhancing and expanding its health, logistics, engineering and aviation capabilities, as well as our command and management in order to be in a better position to modernise and scale, and contribute to mobilisation.

“Underpinning all this is the application of new and emerging technologies.”

The Chief of Army spoke at the recent Williams Foundation seminar on the evolution of the ADF in the new strategic environment. The day after his presentation, I had a chance to meet with him in his office to discuss some aspects of his thinking about the way ahead for the Australian environment post-Middle East land wars.

At the heart of any change is determining how best to work with the joint force in the direct defense of Australia, which includes significant demands to operate in the littoral regions adjacent to Australia and out into relevant areas of the Pacific.

We started by discussing the strategic environment. Lt. General Stuart underscored that Australia was a middle power, not a great power. This means that working with allies and partners in the region effectively was a core competence which the Army needs to develop, enhance and maximize. He argued that their exercise regimes in the region as well as working with Pacific partners was a key part of this effort.

He argued that “we are a convening power.  What is our strategy?

“Fundamentally it comes down to working with the alliance we have with the United States and other like-minded states, to promote shared interests. And in those contexts, we are focused on being a net contributor to alliance security as well as our own.

“And we are addressing how we work together to build the interior lines of defense in the region – to use land – parlance in the Indo-Pacific.”

How do you further enhance and develop such an approach?

According to Lt. General Stuart: “You take the architecture that already exists through the multilateral activities we do with Indonesia on activities like Garuda Shield, Balikatan with the Philippines, Cobra Gold in Thailand, Talisman Saber in Australia. You build those out as multilateral activities, and connect them in a way that strengthens international partnerships while enabling a persistent multilateral presence.

“And that persistent presence and multilateral interaction has a range of key strategic aspects. First, we get to know the environment and how to operate within it. We get placement and access where our multilateral forces need it. We can leverage the relationships, and importantly we provide an alternative to what the authoritarian states are offering as a future for our partners in the region.

“If we need to respond militarily in the region, we already have a grid and network established. We will have communications networks in place and have exercised mission command. And we have already worked through multilateral formations, so that you have a working C2 model, with all the authorities, in place and an understanding of how you plan, how national authorities affect your planning, how you force project, how you do logistics, and who’s going to contribute what to which part of any potential fight.”

But he argued that “we are not fit to purpose today to be able to do what we need to do in this strategic space.”

We then discussed some aspects of the transition for Army which he envisaged to make the Army “fit for purpose.”

He highlighted the need to be able to deploy long range fires in a joint context. We did not discuss how to do this at length, but in my view, it is not simply the ability to fire from the Australian continent or to move first to littoral locations in an Army context. With the emergence of kill web technologies, and third party targeting, the Army working with Navy and Air Force can shape innovative new ways to cross-target adversarial positions in a variety of new ways going forward, including the use of various robotic or autonomous systems.

Lt. General Stuart highlighted the need significantly to enhance the ability of the Army to become mobile in terms of littoral operations. He noted: “We need to be able to thicken our capacity for independent littoral maneuver and also be able to reinforce and disperse our amphibious capability in a meaningful way.”

He underscored: “Our 1st Brigade up in Townsville was previously our medium weight brigade. It will now be our core littoral maneuver formation. And this is a capability that our army hasn’t had since 1946. And we are building the capability for the brigade to enable us to maneuver in the littorals of our continent and in the region.

“But it has the capacity for inter-theater, independent intra-theater movement as well. It can also aggregate and disaggregate as part of our amphibious system. We are focused on force dispersal and mobility and providing us with utility to launch a range of different force packages either independently or as part of a combined or multilateral activity.”

Lt. General Stuart underscored that working with the USMC in terms of the MRF-D rotational force was assisting in this re-design process as well.

This means as well a shift in how to organize the Army.

He highlighted this aspect as follows:

“We’ve been organized for the wars of the last two decades at the brigade level. We need to move that to the division level to provide the standing headquarters, which are JTFs as well as divisional headquarters and provide our two-star special operations command with the kinds of C2 or C4 capabilities where they can actually command operations in their AORs that incorporate joint and combined agencies.

“We are organized today on a very much just-in-time efficiency model. We need to be now organized in our warfighting structures that are always on. New and emerging tech, Robotics and Autonomous Systems, Artificial Intelligence and machine learning, quantum and human performance optimization will all have an important impact on our logistics enterprise and in the Combat Service Support space.”

As well the modernization of the Army, we also discussed Army’s aviation enterprise as a broader set of challenges.

He summarized this thrust towards the future in the following terms:

“We are in the cooperative development program for precision strike missiles. We are looking at common effector sets with our navy in the longer term. Our contribution to space and cyber adds significant robustness to the joint effort given we are too small to have separate organizations.

“And we have completely reoriented our special operations capability along functional lines, and are highlighting special warfare and technical enablement to move us away from the focus of the past two decades to what we need to be doing in terms of unconventional warfare and other capabilities to contribute to deterrence in our region.”

Lt. General Stuart argued for the continued need for armor as well. “We need to modernize that bit of the army that needs to be hardened and protected to be able to guarantee overmatch in time and space and in a distributed way. If you look at it from a full-time brigade formation level in the Australian Army, it’s one out of nine formations.

“It’s not the bulk of the army, but at the end of the day, we’ll have about a brigade’s worth of armor capability to provide, what we used to call a commander’s reserve for those less lethal, less mobile, and less protected formations.”

I will finish this article by highlighting how the Chief of Army concluded his speech in Western Australia for it contained important insight into the key role which the Australian Army can play in terms of the direct defense of Australia understood in terms of its own continent.

“If I can now conclude by explaining how Army’s modernisation is unfolding here in Western Australia. Our 13th Brigade is growing and evolving – increasing the number of our full-time workforce and providing more opportunities for more West Australians to serve in either a full or on a part-time basis.

“Enhanced command and control arrangements in the headquarters of the 13th Brigade have increased its scale and its capacity for operations on the West Coast and it’s approaches.

“And we have created or enhanced capabilities in the 10th Light Horse Regiment, the 13th Engineer Regiment, and assigning new roles to parts of the 16th Royal West Australian Regiment.

“I just spent the last few days with our teams in the Kimberley and the Pilbara, where they are ‘always on’ every single day – providing intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance in the most remote areas of our state’s north with cutting edge capabilities and making a huge contribution to bringing together and participating in a whole of government intelligence gathering framework.

“And of course based here in Perth is Special Operations Command – West, centered on the Special Air Service Regiment which conducts some of the nation’s most sensitive missions.

“All of this provides your Army with the ability to scale and mobilise in, to and from Western Australia and abroad.

“But of course, we cannot do it alone. Leveraging one of Army’s key strengths – teaming – we have focused collaboration with government, industry and academia. With the Western Australia Police Force, Australian Border Force, Maritime Border Command, and various intelligence agencies, we maintain a united network for the defence of Australia, including here in the West.

“With BHP, we collaborate on automation and secure communications, electrification and quantum technologies, as well as pathways that allow us to share our workforces. With the University of Western Australia’s Defence and Security Institute, we realise the challenges of the future and contribute to research, engagement and education on defence and security issues.

“These are just a few examples. Service in your Army offers a sense of purpose and an opportunity to be part of something bigger than ourselves.”

Lieutenant General Simon Stuart, AO, DSC

Lieutenant General Stuart assumed command of the Australian Army on 02 July 2022.

Enlisting as a soldier in 1987, Lieutenant General Stuart was commissioned into the Royal Australian Infantry Corps in 1990.  He has over thirty-five years’ experience across a range of leadership, operations, training and program management appointments in Australia and overseas.

Lieutenant General Stuart’s regimental experience was in the 2nd/4th and 2nd Battalions, Royal Australian Regiment, culminating in command of the 8th/9th Battalion from 2008-10.

He has commanded on operations on five occasions at the company, Joint Task Force, brigade and force levels in East Timor, Afghanistan and Egypt/Israel respectively. His early career included significant training experience, while his staff appointments have largely been in capability development. He has worked in joint, whole of government, international and multi-national environments for most of the past 20 years. Most recently, Lieutenant General Stuart has fulfilled the role of Head of Land Capability in Army Headquarters after a three year deployment in command of the Multinational Force & Observers from 2017-19.

Lieutenant General Stuart is a graduate of the Royal Military College – Duntroon (1990), the United Kingdom’s Joint Services Command and Staff College (2003), the United States Army War College (2015) and the Harvard Business School Advanced Management Program (2022). He holds a Bachelor’s Degree from the University of New England and Masters’ degrees in Project Management (UNSW), Arts – Defence Studies (Kings College, London) and Strategy (US Army War College).

Lieutenant General Stuart’s honours and awards include his appointment as Member of the Order of Australia (2011), the Distinguished Service Cross (2014) and advancement to Officer of the Order of Australia (2020). He has also received a number of foreign awards, including those from the United States, Timor Leste, Columbia, Uruguay, Czech Republic and Japan.

Building out Australian Maritime Capabilities: A Priority on a Whole of Nation Approach

10/18/2022

By Robbin Laird

At the Williams Foundation Seminar held on September 28, 2002, the new Chief of Navy, Vice Admiral Mark Hammond, underscored that Australia faced a significant range of challenges to the nation associated with threats emanating from the Indo-Pacific region.

As he put it: Australia is a paradox. The geography which makes it difficult to invade and conquer Australia also makes Australia dependent upon seaborne trade. In other words, Australia might not be vulnerable to invasion, but the hostile power does not need to invade Australia to defeat Australia.”

Unpacking an understanding of the evolving relationship between the nation and the ADF is at the heart of reworking the defence of the nation in the years to come. The defence capabilities which have enabled the ADF to deliver significant but targeted warfighting capability will now be adapted and refocused on Australia’s direct defence and role in its region.

After the seminar, I had a chance to talk with VADM (Retired) Barrett about the changes required for the Royal Australian Navy to operate in the new strategic environment and to be able to provide for the kind of whole of nation approach required for Australian defence. He noted that the changes already put in motion by the 2016 strategic review needed to be accelerated but that the threat envelope had expanded rapidly in the region which has significant impacts on how to build, operate and sustain the fleet.

The key shift has been from the Middle East to the Indo-Pacific region. Barrett noted: By the time of the 2016 defence white paper, we had already assessed that our time in the Middle East was coming to an end. We’d had almost a continuous presence in that region for several decades, and that needed to change to a focus on the Indo-Pacific region.”

But it is not simply about taking the assets that were deployed to the Middle East region and redeploying them to Australia’s region. It is about the need as well to focus on the whole of nation defense approach. This is how Barrett put it: “The whole of nation appeal is not just about the navy itself. It’s about the broad concept of providing a secure and assured supply chain to Australia, some of which will be to build the sovereign military capability, but a lot of it will be to sustain and defend the national economy.”

We discussed a number of key aspects of shaping a way ahead for Australian maritime capabilities seen in terms of the national approach to defence, in terms of integration with the joint force and in terms of working with allies.

We discussed two key aspects of shaping a national approach to defence.

The first is the question of the build out of the Royal Australian Navy on Australian soil.

How will Australia build out naval bases going forward?

Will they co-locate sustainment locations with bases?

How will they work forward sustainment efforts in the region and how will that correlate with sustainment and repair facilities within Australia itself?

How will the approach to building out of Australian naval bases intersect with allied operations?

These issues obviously are a key part of the coming of the nuclear submarine capability to be deployed from Australia itself, but equally apply to the question of having the kind of basing infrastructure which credibly intersects with the challenge of staffing and quality of life that is crucial to attract the civilian workforce which is necessary for the kind of support the RAN needs for operations.

And as Australia builds parts of its fleet, how will those capabilities intersect with sustainment and repair for the fleet including with regard to allied combat ships as well?

The second is the question of building Australian merchant marine capabilities.

Barrett noted that “there are just 14 ships that are flagged on the Australian Register, and that number is going to decline over the next couple of years. The significance of flagging them under our register is that you have legal means by which you can requisition those ships to be able to take steps to secure fuel, to secure medical supplies, to secure fertilizers, whatever it may well be that you need in a crisis. You cannot do that if they’re not on our register.

“Importantly, it also builds a level of trained workforce that will operate those ships in times of emergency, because we have a diminishing pool of competent mariners in Australia, some of whom need to be retained for a growing navy force, but we also need to retain them to fill merchant marine positions. But they’re also the same people who manage ports and harbors, who manage all the ancillary facilities that are needed to supply a regular maritime industry.”

By contrast, China has built a powerful commercial maritime enterprise which it has leveraged for its naval combat fleet as well.

According to VADM (Retired) Barrett: “China produces more merchant ships per year than South Korea and Japan combined. It’s been an overt practice, and they have not just a maritime fleet that exceeds all others, but their ownership of the entire integrated maritime industry has them owning more containers than others, has them managing more container ports around the world than others, has them managing a far greater level of maritime industry financing. If they don’t own the ship, they probably own the financing behind why others own it, so therefore can influence behavior.

“And the quality of their warships that are being built now reflects their efforts in the commercial shipbuilding area as well.”

We then discussed the way ahead with regard to the Australian combat fleet.

VADM (retired) Barrett, when he was chief of navy, focused on the importance of integrated combat systems across the fleet. Such an approach also allows for enhanced integratability with allied fleets and with the joint force.

Notably, in the first ship to be built under the new continuous shipbuilding approach, the Arafura-class offshore patrol vessel, the combat systems are designed to operate modular capabilities onboard the ship and to integrate across the fleet. As Australia builds out its maritime autonomous systems capabilities, ships like the new class OPV can become mother ships delivering capabilities for the joint or allied forces.

The approach for the RAN in Barrett’s view is as follows:

“The ability of managing the combat system across the fleet means that you can vary what the hull or what the ship class can do for you and where it’s likely to operate, but still retain that ability to connect and operate under a single combat plan. If you make that combat system interchangeable with your key allies, the U.S. in this region in particular, then it allows you to offer government far more creative options depending on what the threat is in the region.

“You don’t necessarily put your air warfare destroyers or high value frigates to an area where you might be served by an OPV, which has a good combat system and a capability to modularize the weapons that it might be carrying.

“It can do work in that area to be able to demonstrate presence, particularly to the island nations, but also work from a deterrence point of view against someone who might seek to displace Australian interest in those areas.

“In other words, we’re building a fleet that has more adaptability and that allows us to be more flexible in our operational responses, both from a national sovereignty point of view or an allied operational point of view.”

“You can’t do that with a fleet that’s designed around single platform, single class types, proprietary combat systems and weapon systems that don’t contribute to an overall arsenal that belongs to a modular task force.

“It’s a philosophy as much as anything else, and I’d call it the Aegis lifestyle. You need to be able to operate in a way that you are a contributor to the overall modular task group. You all have the same ability to plug, play and contribute to the fight.”

 

Exercise Pitch Black 2022

10/17/2022

Approximately 110 U.S. Airmen from Pacific Air Forces participated in Exercise Pitch Black 2022, the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) Chief of Air Force’s biennial capstone international engagement activity with forces drawn from a wide range of regional, coalition and Allied nations.

This year, 17 nations participated in PB22 from Aug. 19 to Sept. 8, 2022.

The exercise focused on the tactical execution of Large Force Employment Offensive Counter Air and Counter Land operations in a multi-national coalition environment to enhance interoperability among the U.S., Australia, Canada, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Netherlands, New Zealand, Philippines, Republic of Korea, Singapore, Thailand, United Arab Emirates, and United Kingdom forces. DARWIN, NT, 09.09.2022 Video by Staff Sgt. Savannah Waters 18th Wing Public Affairs