The Club Goes Inside the Wire: What Moving Valdai from Sochi Says About Putin’s Russia

09/23/2026

By Robbin Laird

When the Valdai Discussion Club opens its twenty-third annual meeting on September 28, it will not be on the Black Sea coast. Invitations initially named Sochi, but organizers told participants in late August that the meeting was moving to the Moscow region, and two sources told the Financial Times that Russia’s Federal Protective Service insisted on the change. The organizers’ website now lists the Moscow region, September 28 to October 1, under the theme “Responsibility for the Future: The Limits of the Possible or Possibilities Without Limit?”

A change of venue is a small thing. A discussion club is not an army, and a conference is not a campaign. But for two decades Valdai has been the most consistent instrument through which Vladimir Putin speaks to the world’s foreign-policy elites, and instruments reveal the hand that holds them. Where the Kremlin stages its outreach, and what forces it to change the stage, says something about the confidence, priorities and vulnerabilities of Putin’s Russia in 2026.

Two clarifications keep the analysis honest. Valdai has not always met in Sochi. The Club’s own record shows Moscow hosting in 2020 and 2022, with Sochi the venue in most other years since 2014. The 2020 meeting came in a pandemic year. What distinguishes 2026 is the reason, and the reporting points to drones. The security explanation also rests on anonymous sources, not on an official Russian statement. It is nonetheless highly plausible, as the rest of this article argues.

A Stage Built for Openness

The Club dates to 2004. Political scientist Sergei Karaganov was among its founders. It was never an ordinary think-tank gathering. Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy of Brookings, after attending the 2011 meeting, described it as an initiative of officials and analysts in and around the Kremlin, financed through the state news agency, which brought roughly forty foreign experts, academics, journalists and politicians to Russia each year. They added that Putin was the one government figure foreign participants met every year. Scholars of Russian influence have framed it as a soft-power effort to win goodwill among Western intellectuals, create networking opportunities between Russian and Western elites, and provide a testing ground for the Kremlin’s foreign policy initiatives.

The design was clever. Putin got hours of unscripted-looking exchange with people who write, teach and advise on Russia, and the guests got access that most governments do not offer. In the Club’s own telling, it moved in 2014 away from explaining Russia to the world and toward shaping the global agenda. That was also the first of six consecutive Sochi meetings. Putin’s much-cited 2014 address there came months after the annexation of Crimea and the start of the Donbas conflict.

Sochi mattered as scenery. Its Olympic-era polish, subtropical calm and proximity to Putin’s own residence gave the event a message before anyone spoke: this is a confident country that can host the world’s experts by the sea and tell them, at leisure, how the international order is changing. The venue was part of the argument.

What Weitz Saw in Sochi in 2016

Richard Weitz’s reporting for Second Line of Defense from the 2016 meeting shows the machinery at work. He spent four days at the annual Valdai Conference in Sochi, attended by Putin and other senior Russian officials as well as more than one hundred foreign experts, many of them former high-level officials or long-time Russia specialists. He came to Sochi after weeks of meetings in Moscow at institutions ranging from the Gorbachev Foundation and Moscow State University to the Russian International Affairs Council. Valdai was one node in a larger system of engagement, and the system had several layers.

The plenary as message delivery. The meeting fell in the last days of the American presidential campaign, and Putin used it to address the election directly. Weitz reported that Putin pledged to work with whomever Americans elected while making plain his preference for Trump as a future interlocutor. Putin also offered a sociological argument. In his view, citizens of even the most advanced democracies feel a growing gap between their interests and the elite’s vision, and when the establishment loses a major vote it blames Russian propaganda. Weitz added that Russian speakers on the “Democracy 2.0” panel accused U.S. media and other establishment institutions of helping Clinton. The piece was published on November 5, three days before the vote. The Kremlin’s framing of the American election reached Western readers through a Western analyst, before the ballots were counted.

The plenary as grievance narrative. In the closing session Putin listed the alliance’s war against Serbia, the Iraq invasion, the Libya intervention and Western missile defenses as the events that ruined relations with the West. The core of the complaint was that Russia had expected equal dialogue and received unilateral solutions instead. Weitz also captured a subtler move on the Europe panel. Putin said Russia regretted the animosity and wanted a strong Europe, and accused NATO leaders of talking up the Russian threat to sustain military budgets, noting that NATO’s population was more than four times Russia’s. Weitz noted that the sincerity of the pro-Europe statements could be questioned. That was a fair reading, and it is the kind of skeptical filtering that gives Valdai reporting its value.

The panels as wedge-building. Weitz found that pessimism about Europe’s global power potential was pervasive at the conference, with many speakers, Russian and otherwise, describing a continent in generation-long decay. Karaganov, in Weitz’s account, advocated that Russia build deeper ties with Asia and Eurasia, which he believed would eventually make Russia a more attractive partner for Europeans. Some Europeans in the room noted that Russia had been able to circumvent the EU as an institution and cultivate good relations with key European leaders across left and right. The Kremlin was listening as well as speaking. It was mapping which European constituencies were open to it.

The closed sessions as reality check. On domestic questions, Weitz reported that Putin declined to discuss his retirement plans, that most experts expected him to run again in March 2018, and that Russian officials in closed sessions argued the economy could thrive without political transformation, citing Singapore and China. He also reported that a former Russian official argued that constraints on civil society were seriously limiting the country’s development. In a separate piece on the sanctions debate, he recorded that the Russian economy shrank by about 3.8 percent in 2015, that nearly half of the federal budget came from oil and gas export revenue, and that sanctions had restricted access to Western financing.

Taken together, the 2016 meeting was a platform, a listening post, a cultivation mechanism for relationships with former Western officials, and an amplifier, because every guest who writes carries the message home. The Weitz articles are the proof of concept. An American analyst attended, filed and published in Western channels, and the Kremlin’s argument about Trump, NATO and Europe entered the Western debate with his skeptical annotations attached. The Kremlin got its message across and paid nothing for the distribution.

From Persuading the West to Instructing the Rest

The rhetoric changed long before the venue did. Al Jazeera’s analysis of the 2022 meeting noted that from the mid-2000s to the early 2010s Putin would spend hours answering questions about Russia’s democratic development and openness to the world, whereas the 2022 speech in Moscow was radically different, dominated by complaints about the West. By 2025 the stance had hardened into doctrine. The 22nd meeting carried the theme “The Polycentric World: Instructions for Use.” One analysis from the New Eurasian Strategies Centre argued that multipolarity, which once implied a search for a new balance with the West, had become a political justification for breaking off relations altogether, with Putin proclaiming a “post-global” era of managed chaos.

Karaganov’s own trajectory tracks the shift. In 2016 he was telling Weitz’s audience that an Asian pivot would eventually make Russia more attractive to Europe. In the years since the full-scale invasion he has become one of Moscow’s most prominent advocates of a harder nuclear posture toward the West. The Club’s audience has changed with it. The 2016 event courted Western opinion leaders, while the 2025 event addressed an audience for whom Western approval is optional and Western rules are an imposition. Valdai’s target moved from persuasion to instruction, and from the West to what Moscow calls the global majority.

That is the frame in which the 2026 move should be read.

What the Move Symbolizes

First, the geography of Russian normalcy is shrinking. Sochi was the place where the Kremlin could stage normalcy. That is no longer easy. Ukrainian forces have repeatedly struck targets on Russia’s Black Sea coast, including an oil refinery in Sochi, and on the evening of September 9 Ukrainian sea drones attacked the Sochi waterfront, injuring about 30 people. The Russian Telegram channel Astra also reported fires at two fuel depots in and beside the resort after overnight drone strikes, as relayed by Euromaidan Press, which also reported attacks on Russian air defenses in the city. The Russian president’s own travel tells the story. Before the full-scale invasion, in 2021, Putin visited Sochi 24 times; he has been there only twice in recent years, and not at all since the previous Valdai in October 2025. A resort that its owner cannot safely visit is a poor venue for showing the world that everything is under control.

Second, the leader’s mobility has become a strategic variable. In the language we use at SLD, the Ukrainian deep-strike campaign resembles a kill web more than a kill chain. It combines cheap long-range drones, sea drones, persistent reconnaissance and rapid iteration, all aimed at seams and soft spots and not at any single exquisite target. A defender facing a distributed offensive system has to choose where to concentrate its protection, and it cannot protect everything. A four-day conference bringing the head of state, senior ministers and around a hundred international guests together in one place is precisely the kind of concentrated, high-value node that a security service will not leave exposed. Foreign Minister Lavrov, Deputy Prime Minister Novak and Putin aide Oreshkin are expected to participate. The Federal Protective Service’s judgment reflects a simple assessment that the Moscow region is better defended than a Black Sea resort.

The protection is relative, however. President Zelensky has confirmed Ukrainian long-range strikes that damaged two major Russian logistics sites in the Moscow and Tambov regions. Moscow is safer than Sochi only in degree. The relocation shows a regime spending scarce defensive capacity on protecting its own theater.

Third, security has overruled communications. Organizers had invited guests to Sochi, and the change came in late August, for an event that has to be planned across a year. That is improvisation at the top of a highly choreographed system, and it shows the ordering of priorities. When the protective service and the propaganda service disagree, the former wins. Euromaidan Press notes that Putin has spent much of his time in Moscow, St. Petersburg and his residence near Lake Valdai, with more trips east of the Urals, areas farther from Ukraine’s long-range drone reach. That is one outlet’s interpretation, but it is consistent with the pattern. The Kremlin’s calendar is now shaped by the range of the adversary’s weapons, and no amount of stagecraft outweighs that.

Fourth, the outreach machine still runs, and that is part of the message. The reported guest list is about 120 guests representing approximately 40 countries. The comparison with the more than one hundred foreign experts Weitz counted in 2016 is rough, since the 2026 figure may include Russian participants. But the order of magnitude is similar. Ten years, a full-scale invasion and one of the most sweeping sanctions regimes in modern history later, Moscow can still assemble a global audience for its leader. Any analysis that reads the relocation as a sign of collapse misreads it. Russia’s outreach infrastructure is resilient. What has changed is the setting, which looks less like a resort and more like a fortress.

Fifth, the theme becomes ironic. A meeting about “responsibility for the future,” staged in a hardened venue because the war has reached the leader’s summer retreat, carries a message no program committee intended. The Kremlin wants to talk about the limits of the possible in a multipolar world. The venue tells the guests where the limits of its own security currently lie.

Reading the Meeting

There is a case against over-reading, and it deserves a hearing. Moscow has hosted Valdai before. Putin has always spent most of his time in and around the capital. A Moscow-area location is easier for ministers and for logistics, and the Kremlin may present it as a simple convenience. All of that is true. But the FT’s sources point to the protective service insisting, and the Sochi strikes are documented. The most economical explanation is also the most likely one.

For observers, the meeting itself, running from September 28 to October 1, offers several tests. The first is whether Putin’s final-day address and question-and-answer session, traditionally held on the last day, keep their customary length and looseness or are trimmed. The second is how he frames the drone campaign, as terrorism, as escalation by Western sponsors, or not at all. The third is the guest list, and above all whether any sitting Western officials or prominent former ones appear, since those are the guests who made the 2016 meeting such a rich source for Weitz. The fourth is how much the Russian organizers reveal about the security perimeter. A meeting that used to advertise openness may this year hide its own logistics.

The larger point is about what kind of power Putin’s Russia now projects. In 2016 the Kremlin used Valdai to argue with the West, to court it, divide it and explain its grievances to it, and Weitz’s reporting captured a leader confident enough to speculate about American sociology in public. In 2025 the club was used to announce a world in which Western opinion barely mattered. In 2026 the venue itself concedes something the speeches will not: a war launched to restore Russia’s place in the world has brought the world’s drones to the edge of the president’s own resort. Valdai will go on. The Sochi era, which staged a confident Russia by the sea, is over.

Sources

Meduza, “Financial Times: Valdai Club meeting moved from Sochi to Moscow region over threat of Ukrainian strikes” (Sept. 15, 2026). https://meduza.io/amp/en/news/2026/09/15/financial-times-valdai-club-meeting-moved-from-sochi-to-moscow-region-over-threat-of-ukrainian-strikes

Euromaidan Press, “Putin moves Valdai forum from Sochi” (Sept. 15, 2026). https://euromaidanpress.com/2026/09/15/putin-moves-valdai-forum-from-sochi/

Mezha, “Russia Moves Valdai Forum From Sochi to Moscow Region.” https://mezha.net/eng/news/d1b2591e_russia_moves_valdai/

UNN, “Putin moved the Valdai forum from Sochi to Moscow due to the threat of Ukrainian drones.” https://unn.ua/en/news/putin-moved-the-valdai-forum-from-sochi-to-moscow-due-to-the-threat-of-ukrainian-drones-ft

Richard Weitz, “Putin’s Perspectives on Working with the Next Administration,” Second Line of Defense (Nov. 2016). https://sldinfo.com/2016/11/putins-perspectives-on-working-with-the-next-administration/

Richard Weitz, “Perspectives at the Valdai Conference on Russia, Europe and the United States,” Second Line of Defense (Nov. 2016). https://sldinfo.com/2016/11/perspectives-at-the-valdai-conference-on-russia-europe-and-the-united-states-what-will-be-impact-of-the-coming-to-power-of-president-elect-trump/

Richard Weitz, “Valdai Conference Insights on Russia’s Political and Economic Development,” Second Line of Defense. https://sldinfo.com/2016/11/valdai-conference-insights-on-russias-political-and-economic-development/

Richard Weitz, “The Russian Sanctions Debate at the Valdai Conference,” Second Line of Defense. https://sldinfo.com/2016/11/the-russian-sanctions-debate-at-the-valdai-conference/

Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy, “Putin’s Next Move in Russia: Observations from the 8th Annual Valdai International Discussion Club,” Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/putins-next-move-in-russia-observations-from-the-8th-annual-valdai-international-discussion-club/

“Valdai Discussion Club” (meeting history by year; soft-power scholarship), Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valdai_Discussion_Club

“2014 Valdai speech of Vladimir Putin,” Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Valdai_speech_of_Vladimir_Putin

Al Jazeera, “Putin wants the world to forget Ukraine” (Nov. 2022). https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2022/11/3/putin-wants-the-world-to-forget-ukraine

New Eurasian Strategies Centre, “Valdai 2025: Betting on a long war with the West” (Oct. 2025). https://nestcentre.org/valdai-2025/

Under Southern Eyes, “Vladimir Putin’s Valdai Speech (2025): how to live in the emerging polycentric world” (Oct. 2025). https://undersoutherneyes.edpinsent.com/vladimir-putins-valdai-speech-2025/

The Transformation of Maritime Domain Awareness: Why the Old Model No Longer Works

09/22/2026

Maritime domain awareness, the ability to know what is happening at sea and to understand what it means, has been redefined over the past three decades. The concept itself has not changed much on paper: the International Maritime Organization still defines it as the effective understanding of anything associated with the maritime domain that could affect the security, safety, economy, or environment of a state or region.

What has changed is everything beneath that definition: the volume of traffic to be watched, the tools available to watch it, the ownership of those tools, and the nature of the threats hiding within the noise. The maritime security challenge of 2026 bears little resemblance to that of the mid-1990s and treating maritime domain awareness (MDA) as a continuation of Cold War naval surveillance, rather than as a fundamentally new problem set, is a strategic error with real operational consequences.

The challenge is also behavioral. A vessel’s reported position and identity are only part of the picture; the operational question is whether its movements, transmissions, and interactions are consistent with its declared activity. “Going dark” should therefore be treated as a cue for further investigation, not as proof of illicit conduct. Maritime domain awareness must connect tracking with behavioral analysis, using multiple sources to distinguish routine activity from potential concealment or deception.

This matters because the instinct in defense planning is to solve maritime awareness gaps with more of the same: more patrol aircraft, more surface combatants, more national radar sites. That instinct made sense in a bounded, state-centric world. It makes considerably less sense in a world where the ocean is crowded with tens of thousands of vessels a navy will never own a sensor pointed at, where identity itself has become a contested, manipulable data field, and where the actors generating risk are as likely to be a sanctioned tanker or a civilian-flagged militia boat as a warship.

MDA has shifted from a sensor-coverage problem to a data-fusion and behavioral-analysis problem, and the institutions, acquisition strategies, and workforce models built for the old problem are increasingly mismatched to the new one.

The Baseline: A Bounded, State-Centric Problem

Thirty years ago, maritime awareness was largely a state-owned, platform-dependent activity. Navies and coast guards built their picture of the sea through organic sensors — maritime patrol aircraft, surface combatants, submarines, coastal radar chains, and national intelligence collection. The Cold War model was built around counting and tracking a known, finite set of adversary platforms: Soviet submarines, surface combatants, and the merchant vessels used as intelligence collectors. The maritime domain itself was vast, but the set of actors that mattered to national security was comparatively small, symmetric, and state-based. A watch officer’s job, in effect, was to find and classify a known type of needle in a haystack whose size changed slowly.

Merchant shipping, by contrast, was largely invisible to security establishments unless a vessel entered a monitored strait or approached a coastline under active surveillance. There was no global, persistent, unclassified means of tracking commercial traffic. A ship’s location, identity, and behavior were known chiefly to its owner, its flag state, and whichever coast guard happened to be nearby at a given moment. This was a bounded problem in large part because global trade itself was smaller and structurally simpler. Global seaborne trade volumes have roughly tripled since 1990, rising from about four billion tons loaded to well over twelve billion tons today, while world container throughput grew from thirty-six million TEU in 1980 to nearly 850 million TEU by the early 2020s. Fewer ships, less complexity in ownership and flagging, and a narrower set of state adversaries meant that platform-centric, nationally-owned surveillance was, for its era, adequate to the task but it was never elegant, never complete, but manageable against a finite number of hulls and airframes.

That baseline is worth stating plainly because so much of the current debate over maritime security acquisition still implicitly assumes it holds. It does not, and the reasons why are not a single technological disruption but three distinct, mutually reinforcing forces that broke the old model roughly simultaneously.

Three Forces That Broke the Old Model

(1) The scale and opacity of global shipping outgrew national surveillance capacity

The sheer growth of maritime traffic changed the nature of the problem before any adversary did. The global container fleet alone expanded from roughly 4.5 million TEU of capacity in 2000 to over 33 million TEU by 2025, with the number of vessels rising from about 2,600 to nearly 7,500. Add the tanker fleet, the dry bulk fleet, the fishing fleet, numbering in the hundreds of thousands of vessels worldwide, and the general cargo and roll-on/roll-off fleets, and the scale of what a comprehensive maritime picture would need to encompass becomes clear.

No coast guard or navy, however well-resourced, can maintain a comprehensive picture of a domain this size using organic sensors alone. A frigate can occupy one piece of ocean at a time; a maritime patrol aircraft can sweep a corridor for a few hours before returning to base. Neither scales to a global merchant fleet numbering in the tens of thousands of hulls, let alone the artisanal and small-craft traffic that dominates numerically in many contested waters. Awareness, in other words, had to become a data problem before it could be addressed as an intelligence problem. The bottleneck moved from “can we get a sensor there” to “can we ingest, correlate, and make sense of what tens of thousands of platforms are broadcasting, or failing to broadcast, at any given moment.”

(2) Identity and location became technically knowable and technically fakeable

The introduction of the Automatic Identification System, mandated under the IMO’s SOLAS convention in 2002 and required fleet-wide by the end of 2004, was the first structural break with the old model. For the first time, a large share of the world’s merchant fleet was continuously broadcasting its own identity, position, course, and speed. This was transformative: a technology built for collision avoidance and safety of navigation became, almost as a side effect, the first genuinely global layer of maritime transparency.

The second break came when that signal moved to space. The first AIS-detecting nanosatellite flew in 2008, and by 2017 satellite-based AIS had matured into a persistent, near-real-time global tracking service. Overnight, in historical terms, a cooperative safety signal became the backbone of global maritime surveillance, available not just to states with national collection systems, but to any commercial or academic actor with the money to buy the feed. Shipping insurers, port authorities, environmental researchers, journalists, and open-source analysts all gained access to a global tracking picture that a generation earlier had been the exclusive province of naval intelligence.

But a cooperative signal is also, definitionally, a signal that can be switched off, falsified, or spoofed, and the same three decades that gave the world persistent tracking also gave bad actors persistent means to defeat it. AIS spoofing and “dark” transits or vessels that disable or falsify their transponders to mask identity, position, or both are now a well-documented and extensively studied evasion technique, prompting a parallel industry in synthetic aperture radar (SAR), radio-frequency (RF) geolocation, and electro-optical detection designed specifically to find the ships that do not want to be found. Awareness and evasion have been locked in a continuous technical race ever since AIS became mandatory, and it is that race — not the original safety technology in isolation that constitutes the actual substance of modern MDA. Every advance in cooperative tracking generates a corresponding advance in non-cooperative detection, and every advance in detection generates more sophisticated evasion tradecraft in turn. This is not a problem that gets solved and stays solved; it is a competitive dynamic that must be managed continuously.

(3) Commercial capability displaced the state monopoly on maritime intelligence

A state-owned constellation of patrol aircraft and warships has been supplemented, and in important respects superseded, by a commercial architecture of small-satellite operators. A cluster of commercial providers now supply persistent SAR imaging, RF geolocation, and AIS correlation services once the exclusive preserve of national intelligence agencies. Maritime analytics firms such as Windward fuse these commercial data streams — AIS, SAR, RF, and behavioral analytics — to detect vessels that have gone dark, identify anomalous loitering or ship-to-ship transfer patterns tied to sanctions evasion or illegal fishing, and flag identity manipulation at machine speed.

This is not an incremental improvement on the old model; it is a structural inversion of it. Governments are now often consumers of commercially generated maritime intelligence rather than its sole producers, and the practical ceiling on MDA is increasingly set by data fusion and analytic tradecraft rather than by the number of hulls or airframes a navy can put to sea. The organizations best positioned to lead on MDA are not necessarily the ones that own the most sensors, but the ones that can most effectively integrate sensor feeds they do not own into an actionable picture, a fundamentally different competency than the one naval staffs were built around, favoring organizations comfortable with public-private partnership and continuous software integration over ones built around platform acquisition cycles measured in decades.

From “Seeing” to “Understanding”: The Rise of Sub-Threshold Threats

The technology shift would matter less if the threat picture had stayed simple. It has not. The last decade in particular has populated the maritime domain with actors and behaviors that the 1990s framework was never built to characterize, because they are deliberately designed to stay below the threshold of open conflict and inside the seams of jurisdiction and attribution.

Russia’s response to Western sanctions produced a so-called shadow fleet of aging tankers, estimated by different trackers at anywhere from roughly 1,000 to over 3,000 vessels depending on methodology, representing an estimated seventeen to nineteen percent of the world’s tanker capacity, that move sanctioned crude while manipulating flags, ownership records, and AIS signals to frustrate identification. This fleet did not exist in any meaningful form before 2022 and has grown roughly thirtyfold in three years — a pace of adversary adaptation no static architecture, built around slowly changing Cold War order-of-battle assumptions, can plausibly keep up with.

In the South China Sea, China’s People’s Armed Forces Maritime Militia has conducted hundreds of documented incidents of harassment, blocking, and ramming against neighboring states’ vessels since 2012, using ostensibly civilian fishing boats as an instrument of state coercion that deliberately complicates naval response and legal attribution. A militia vessel that looks, on radar and even on AIS, indistinguishable from an ordinary trawler is precisely the actor a platform-classification model is poorly equipped to characterize, because the relevant question is not what the vessel is but what it is doing, and on whose behalf.

In the Red Sea, a non-state armed group has, since late 2023, used missiles and uncrewed systems to threaten commercial shipping on one of the world’s most important trade arteries, a capability and intent a 1990s coastal-defense threat model would not have anticipated from that kind of actor at all. The case is instructive because it collapses categories MDA planners have traditionally kept separate: it is simultaneously a maritime security problem, a counter-terrorism problem, an air and missile defense problem, and a freedom-of-navigation problem, and no single service or sensor architecture owns all four pieces of it.

In the Baltic Sea, a series of at least eleven undersea cable and pipeline incidents in fifteen months prompted NATO to stand up a dedicated multinational patrol mission, Baltic Sentry, to protect infrastructure that did not exist as a maritime-security concern a generation ago. And in the Black Sea, Ukraine has used a fleet of low-cost uncrewed surface vessels to drive a conventional navy from its own coastal waters and is now adapting those platforms into launch systems for attack drones, demonstrating that a state without a traditional navy can generate a maritime effect older threat models would have reserved for blue-water fleets.

None of these cases is a conventional military confrontation in the Cold War sense. Each exploits the same structural weakness: an MDA architecture built to identify and count known state platforms is poorly suited to characterizing intent among ambiguous, deniable, or non-state actors operating inside civilian shipping lanes and behind the legal protections civilian status confers. The core analytic task has shifted from “seeing” or locating a vessel to “understanding” or determining whether a vessel’s owner, cargo, route, and behavior indicate sanctions evasion, gray-zone coercion, smuggling, or hostile intent. That is a fusion and behavioral-analytics problem, not a sensor-coverage problem, which is why data fusion and pattern-of-life analysis, rather than additional patrol assets, have become the leading edge of maritime security investment.

Pattern-of-life analysis has become central for a specific reason. A vessel that goes dark for six hours in open ocean is not automatically suspicious; ships lose AIS signal for entirely innocent reasons. A vessel that goes dark for six hours specifically while transiting a known ship-to-ship transfer zone, having previously exhibited a pattern of similarly timed disappearances correlated with a change of registered owner, is a different matter entirely. Distinguishing the two requires a historical baseline, machine-assisted anomaly detection across large populations of vessels, and human analytic judgment applied at the point where the algorithm flags something worth a closer look, a fundamentally different workflow than the Cold War model of a watch officer classifying a discrete contact.

The Persistent Vulnerability Beneath the Waterline

The MDA problem has also expanded vertically, into the undersea domain, in ways the 1990s framework barely addressed. Fiber-optic cables and pipelines now carry the overwhelming majority of the world’s data traffic and significant volumes of energy, yet they sit largely unmonitored on the seabed, identifiable from public charts and vulnerable to any vessel dragging an anchor or deploying a submersible asset. The Baltic Sea incidents illustrate that critical infrastructure protection is now inseparable from maritime domain awareness, requiring persistent surface and subsurface monitoring of an environment conventional AIS and radar cannot see into at all. Surface tracking tells an analyst where a vessel was; it does not tell an analyst what that vessel dragged behind it or dropped over the side.

This is a second and distinct MDA gap layered atop the surface-traffic gap, and closing it will require sensors, tradecraft, and legal authorities that are still being built. Attribution is the hardest part of this problem. Determining that a cable was cut is comparatively straightforward; determining that a specific vessel’s anchor caused the damage, and that the damage was deliberate rather than the result of poor seamanship or heavy weather, requires a chain of evidence combining AIS or satellite tracking, seabed forensics on the break itself, and often signals or human intelligence on intent, none of which any single sensor or agency possesses in full. The undersea layer is likely to remain the least mature part of the MDA architecture for some time, because it cannot be addressed by simply extending existing surface-tracking approaches; it requires investment in a largely separate sensing and analytic discipline.

Institutional and Acquisition Implications

If the diagnosis above is correct that MDA has become a data-fusion and behavioral-analytics discipline layered on a sensor-collection discipline, not replacing it several implications follow for how governments organize, staff, and buy for maritime security.

First, the workforce implication is real and underappreciated. An organization built to train watch officers to classify discrete contacts against a known adversary order of battle is not automatically equipped to train analysts who can interrogate a fused, multi-source, commercially generated dataset for anomalous behavior across tens of thousands of vessels. The skills involved, data science, behavioral analytics, an understanding of shipping economics and flag-state practice, and the judgment to know when an algorithmic flag warrants escalation, sit closer to those of a financial-crimes investigator than a traditional naval intelligence officer.

Second, continuing to measure maritime security investment primarily in hulls, airframes, and radar sites will produce a force well-equipped for a threat picture that no longer exists. Organic sensors are not obsolete, a warship on scene still has authorities, weapons, and physical presence no satellite feed can replicate, but the marginal dollar spent on data fusion and analytic tradecraft is, for a wide range of current problems, likely to generate more actionable awareness than the marginal dollar spent on an additional patrol platform.

Third, public-private integration needs to be treated as a core institutional competency, not a supplementary arrangement. Commercial providers of SAR, RF, and AIS correlation services are not a stopgap until governments rebuild organic capacity; in most plausible futures they are a permanent, growing part of the architecture, because the economics of small-satellite constellations and software analytics favor continuous commercial iteration over the multi-decade acquisition cycles navies typically operate on. Governments that treat these providers as long-term integration partners will out-perform those that treat them as occasional vendors.

The Core Argument

Maritime domain awareness has not simply become “more difficult” over the past thirty years. It has become a categorically different discipline. The scale of global shipping outran what any navy’s organic sensors could cover. A cooperative identification signal, AIS, created both the first global tracking layer and a permanent evasion incentive, locking awareness and evasion into a continuous technical race. Commercial space and analytics companies displaced state intelligence agencies as the primary generators of maritime data, forcing governments to become integrators and customers of an architecture they no longer own outright. A widening cast of state and non-state actors, sanctioned tanker operators, maritime militias, armed non-state groups, and uncrewed-system operators, learned to exploit the seams of jurisdiction, attribution, and civilian cover that a platform-counting model was never designed to penetrate. And the domain itself has expanded vertically, into an undersea infrastructure layer the surface-tracking architecture cannot see into at all.

The practical consequence is that maritime security today is won or lost in data fusion, behavioral analytics, and public-private intelligence architecture rather than in hull counts or patrol hours. Any policy or acquisition approach that still frames the challenge as “more ships, more planes, more radar” is answering a version of the problem that stopped existing sometime in the last fifteen years. The states, alliances, and companies that recognize this shift earliest and reorganize their workforce, acquisition priorities, and public-private relationships accordingly will close the gap between what needs to be known about the maritime domain and what is, in practice, known. Everyone else will keep buying yesterday’s answer to a question the sea has already stopped asking.

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Vector Logistics Group, “Container Fleet Expands Eightfold in 25 Years,” https://vectorlogisticsgroup.com/container-fleet-expands-eightfold-in-25-years/

International Maritime Organization, “Automatic Identification Systems (AIS),” https://www.imo.org/en/ourwork/safety/pages/ais.aspx

Windward, “Looking Beyond AIS,” https://windward.ai/blog/looking-beyond-ais/

S&P Global, “Shadow Fleet Expands to Maintain Sanctioned Oil Flows,” https://www.spglobal.com/energy/en/news-research/latest-news/crude-oil/090325-factbox-shadow-fleet-expands-to-maintain-sanctioned-oil-flows

Reuters, “Shadow Tanker Fleet Grows More Slowly as Western Sanctions Target Russian Oil,” https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/shadow-tanker-fleet-grows-more-slowly-western-sanctions-target-russian-oil-2025-08-13/

RAND Corporation, research report on China’s Maritime Militia, https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2954-1.html

Small Wars Journal, “Beyond Swarming,” https://smallwarsjournal.com/2026/02/16/beyond-swarming/

NATO, “NATO Launches Baltic Sentry to Increase Critical Infrastructure Security,” https://www.nato.int/en/news-and-events/articles/news/2025/01/14/nato-launches-baltic-sentry-to-increase-critical-infrastructure-security

Defense News, “11 Baltic Cables Damaged in 15 Months, Pushing NATO to Boost Security,” https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2025/01/28/11-baltic-cables-damaged-in-15-months-pushing-nato-to-boost-security/

Atlantic Council, “From Cloud to Kill Zone: How Ukraine Rewired Naval Warfare,” https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/in-depth-research-reports/report/from-cloud-to-kill-zone-how-ukraine-rewired-naval-warfare/

Defense News, “Ukraine Is Launching Strike Drones From Everything, Including Black Sea Robo-Boats,” https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2026/07/01/ukraine-is-launching-strike-drones-from-everything-including-black-sea-robo-boats/

Coming in the first quarter of 2027: 

Available now:

CH-53K King Stallion Capabilities or Why it Should Have Been Called the CH-55

09/20/2026

The CH-53K King Stallion is an optimized, heavy-lift, sea-based, long range solution for the Marine Air Ground Task Force. 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing increases readiness, lethality, and forward presence through modernization by embracing the capabilities of the CH-53K.

02.23.2026

Video by Cpl. Mya Seymour 

2nd Marine Aircraft Wing

I identified the CH-53K early on as best described as a CH-55, for it so different from its predecessor.

What if it was called the CH-55? Transformation in the Vertical Heavy Lift Fleet

12/08/2020

By Robbin Laird

To the casual observer, the Super Stallion and the King Stallion look like the same aircraft.

One of the challenges in understanding how different the CH-53K is from the CH-53E is the numbering part.

If it were called CH-55 perhaps one would get the point that these are very different air platforms, with very different capabilities.

What they have in common, by deliberate design, is a similar logistical footprint, so that they could operate similarly off of amphibious ships or other ships in the fleet for that matter.

But the CH-53 is a mechanical aircraft, which most assuredly the CH-55 (aka as the CH-53K) is not.

In blunt terms, the CH-55 (aka as the CH-53K) is faster, carries more kit, can distribute its load to multiple locations without landing, is built as a digital aircraft from the ground up and can leverage its digitality for significant advancements in how it is maintained, how it operates in a task force, how it can be updated, and how it could work with unmanned systems or remotes.

These capabilities taken together create a very different lift platform than is the legacy CH-53E. In a strategic environment where force mobility is informing capabilities across the combat spectrum, it is hard to understate the value of a lift platform, notably one which can talk and operate digitally, in carving out new tactical capabilities with strategic impacts.

The lift side of the equation within a variety of environments can be stated succinctly. The King Stallion will lift 27,000 lbs. external payload, deliver it 110 nm to a high-hot zone, loiter, and return to the ship with fuel to spare.   What that means is JLTV’s (22,600-lb.), up-armored HMMWV, and other heavier tactical cargos go to shore by air, rather than by LCAC or other slower sea lift means.  For less severe ambient conditions or shorter distances than this primary mission, the 53K can carry up to 36,000 lbs.

With ever increasing lift requirements and advancing threats in the battlefield, there is no other vertical lift aircraft available that meets emerging heavy lift needs. There are a lot of platforms that can blow things up or kill people, but for heavy lift, the CH-53K is the only option.

For the Marines, this is a core enabling capability. The CH-53K is equipped with a triple external hook system, which will be a significant external operations enabler for the Marine Air Ground Task Force.  The single, dual and triple external cargo hook capability allows for the transfer of three independent external loads to three separate supported units in three separate landing zones in one single sortie without having to return to a ship or other logistical hub.

The external system can be rapidly reconfigured between dual point, single point loads, and triple hook configurations in order to best support the ground scheme of maneuver.

All three external hooks can be operated independently supporting true distributed operations. For example, three infantry companies widely dispersed across the battlefield can be rapidly resupplied with fuel, ammo, water or other supplies directly at their location—during the same sortie—eliminating the requirement for the helicopter to make multiple trips or for cargo from a helicopter to be transloaded to ground vehicles for redistribution—saving ground vehicle fuel and MAGTF exposure to ground threats.

The CH-53K’s triple external hook system is a new capability for the Marine Corps and an improvement in capability and efficiency over the legacy aircraft it replaces making it a game changer for providing heavy lift in support of combat, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief operations, notably in a distributed operational space.

The CH-53K design integrates the latest technologies to meet the USMC requirement for triple the lift of the predecessor Super Stallion while still maintaining the size and footprint to remain compatible with today’s ships and strategic air transport platforms.

The aircraft is fully marinized for shipboard operations, including automatic blade fold and design robustness to meet new and extreme requirements for salt-fog and corrosion.  It is already certified for transport in C-5 (2 x 53Ks) and C-17 (1 x 53K) aircraft and also includes an integral aerial refueling probe for long range missions or self-deployment.

The work process is very different as well, because of support for palletization. This may sound like logistic geek language, but it is about speed to deliver to the force for its operating efficacy. Given that speed to operation is a key metric for supporting the strategic shift from the land wars to full spectrum crisis management, the CH-55 (aka as the CH-53K) is a key enabler for the new work flow essential to combat success.

The digital piece is a foundational element and why it is probably better thought of as a CH-55. This starts with the fly-by-wire flight controls. The CH-53K is the first and only heavy lift fly-by-wire helicopter.

The CH-53K’s fly-by-wire is a leap in technology from legacy mechanical flight control systems and keeps safety and survivability at the core of the Kilo’s design while providing a portal to an optionally piloted capability and autonomy.

The CH-53K’s fly-by-wire design drastically reduces pilot workload and minimizes exposure to threats or danger, particularly during complex missions or challenging aircraft maneuvers like low light level externals in a degraded visual environment allowing the pilot to manage and lead the mission vice focusing on physically controlling the aircraft.

The fly-by-wire design further complements safety and survivability through physically separated Flight Control Computers, separated cockpit controls with an Active Inceptor System, and load limiting control laws that will extend component lives. Other cargo Helicopters originated in the late 50s/early 60s, predating the emergence of Aircraft Survivability as an engineering discipline.

Not leaving anything to chance, the overall CH-53K survivability process includes an extensive, ongoing Live Fire Test Program, which started at a component level, and culminates with a full-up aircraft test with turning rotors.  The CH-53K is the only heavy lift helicopter designed from the ground up to survive in battle, reflecting a 21st century level of survivability.

In addition, the CH-53K was designed from the start in an all-digital environment, taking advantage of virtual reality tools to optimize both manufacture and support of the aircraft throughout its life cycle.  Fleet Marine personnel were engaged from the beginning of the design process to ensure the aircraft was designed for supportability and reduced O&S costs–from component access, support equipment, animated work instruction and electronic publications to the system integration with Sikorsky’s fleet management tools that were originally developed to support its commercial S-92 aircraft fleet.

The S-92 has demonstrated greater than 95% availability for a fleet of over 300 aircraft which now boast near 1.5 million flight hours, in harsh North Sea and other off shore Oil & Gas environments.  Use of data analytics (“big data”) has proven to save money in the commercial fleet and these same tools are already in place for the CH-53K and being proven on the CH-53E in the interim.

The CH-53K’s triple redundant fly-by-wire design improves maintainability significantly through fault Detection and isolation capability providing the ability to detect failures in actuators and other electrical and electromechanical components including hydraulic leak detection with fault isolation.

While the CH-53K is bigger and far more capable in many important ways, it’s also smaller in terms of its logistics footprint and provides a best O&S value over its entire lifetime. The CH-53K’s logistics footprint is 1/3 less by volume with a 5,000 cubic feet reduction and 1/4 less by weight with a 25, 000 reduction compared to the legacy CH-53E. That’s equivalent to the storage volume of a 2-car garage and the weight of a two up-armored HMMWVs. In the cargo world, that’s 2 standard shipping containers, which is space and available payload on a ship or less equipment to transport to an austere support base.

The design reduces the maintenance workload as well.  With no mechanical rigging requirement and fewer moving parts leading to fewer failures, the CH-53K provides a significant reduction in maintenance man hours, a 35% improvement in Mean Time to Repair, and ultimately increased readiness and availability to the warfighter.

Organizational-level maintenance peculiar support equipment for the CH‑53K is based on common and CH-53E support equipment in order to reduce the new peculiar support equipment required for the CH-53K. Only 150 items of peculiar support equipment were developed to support organizational-level maintenance, which is 146 less pieces of support equipment or a 52% footprint reduction compared to the CH-53E. Additionally the CH-53K support equipment was designed to reduce and optimize equipment weight and life cycle cost while material selection and coating changes from legacy aircraft to eliminate use of hazardous materials and provide better environmental protection from corrosion.

The T408-GE-400 engine brings more capability to the CH-53K through 57% more horsepower with a smaller logistics footprint compared to the T64 it replaces in the same size package but with 63% fewer parts. The T408 supports engine on aircraft maintenance and was designed to maximize two levels of maintenance—Organizational to Depot—with all on-wing engine maintenance being performed using the common tools in flight line toolbox further reducing the logistics footprint and maintenance man hours while increasing availability and readiness of the CH-53K.

The CH-53K sets the standard and is the 1st and only true 21st Century Heavy Lift Helicopter.

To be more specific, the current heavy / upper medium lift cargo helicopters that the CH-53K replaces—legacy Chinook, CH-53 A/D/G Sea Stallion, CH-53E Super Stallion and their engines—were literally designed in the mid-20th century.

In the more than half century that has elapsed between the design of these legacy aircraft and the first flight of the CH-53K in 2015, there have been significant advancements in helicopter design and manufacturing.

The CH-53K is superior to its predecessors, not by engineering miracles, but by over a half century of steady engineering and technology progress that was designed and incorporated into the CH-53K from the ground up.

The King Stallion is a totally new helicopter that leapfrogs the CH-53E design to improve operational capability, interoperability, reliability, maintainability, survivability, and cost of ownership.

Finally, the CH-53K is nearing completion of testing and well into production.  The program remains on target for a 2021 IOC and 2023 deployment that meets the USMC’s operational needs.  The King Stallion is the only aircraft that meets the heavy lift requirements for the USMC, supports the Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations (EABO) concept, and provides that safety, survivability, supportability and growth capability to meet the service’s needs for the many decades to come….

 

Fixing the Machine: Rear Admiral McCoy on Rebuilding Naval Aviation’s Training Pipeline

By Robbin Laird

I published an overview piece, “Street to Fleet: How CNATRA Is Working Naval Aviation Training,“ ahead of this interview deliberately. That article was built entirely from public sources: CNATRA’s own releases, Proceedings essays going back to 2002, the “Warrior Ethos” letter to incoming students, DVIDS features on the FITU/HITU instructor pipeline. The point of publishing it first was to show what the record looks like from the outside, before I sat down August 14, 2026 with Rear Admiral Max “Pepper” McCoy, the Chief of Naval Air Training, to hear what it looks like from the inside.

The two pictures coincide, but they are not the same picture. The public record describes the modernization effort: new airframes, mixed-reality trainers, a contract-operated rotary track that could significantly reduce training time. What McCoy described to me is the prioritization shift and necessary triage to stabilize operations and incorporate modernization into the training pipeline. Under his watch, McCoy is finding ways to remodel aviation training, without the luxury of choosing one task before the other.

McCoy and I have a history that predates this conversation. We worked together going back to the F-35 community’s stand-up, and again when he commanded Carrier Strike Group Four. That history matters here because it shapes the kind of conversation this was: not a briefing, but an Admiral thinking out loud with someone who has spent three decades watching militaries try to modernize, about what it actually takes to fix a system from the inside while the requirement to change what comes after it keeps growing.

Breaking the Self-Feeding Cycle

McCoy’s own description of what he is running is blunt: a conveyor belt in a factory. The test of whether it is working is whether it flows smoothly, without pools forming anywhere along the line. Any stagnation, anywhere in the system, is diagnostic. It tells you the machine is not working.

The diagnosis he offered me traces back more than a decade. CNATRA underproduced against Fleet requirements for the better part of ten years, driven in large part by problems with the T-45 in the strike pipeline. Accessions were not adjusted to match, so students kept entering a machine that could not process them at the rate they arrived, and the backlog that resulted is the “pre-NIFE pool” that shows up in the public accounts of this period. In 2022, a production shift strategy was implemented that drove production up to reportedly 105 percent of the requirement by 2024 across every type-model-series, pushing students through to the fleet replacement squadrons in volume.

But the fix at one stage of the pipeline exposed the constraint at the next one. The FRSs are now the ones underproducing, which means a new log-jam is forming just before the point where a winged aviator becomes useful to the Fleet. Because students arrive late to their first Fleet tour, and because career milestones do not move to accommodate that delay, the Navy is not getting a full production tour out of its junior officers before it has to pull them for disassociated sea tours or to fill gaps created by under manning elsewhere in the Fleet. The junior officers who would otherwise be back in the training pipeline as instructors, generating the next cohort, are the ones being diverted. The system, in McCoy’s words, feeds on itself.

This is the reason McCoy frames his goal not as a production percentage but as time-to-train against entitlement. If he can compress the interval between commissioning and Fleet arrival down to what a student is actually entitled to under the syllabus, first-tour JOs complete their sea tours on schedule, roll into full length production tours prior to disassociated sea tours, and the self-feeding cycle that has been starving the training pipeline of its own workforce starts to reverse itself.

The Three-Legged Stool

McCoy’s own framework for the constraint is a production stool with three legs: airplanes, instructors, and students. Right now, he told me, none of the three legs are where they need to be. There are not enough airplanes. There are not enough instructors. And there are, paradoxically, too many students in the pipeline at once, not because CNATRA is over-accessing but because time-to-train has stretched out so far that students are sitting in pools rather than flowing through.

He is the single accountable flag officer for Street to Fleet across the Naval Aviation Enterprise, but his authority is not uniform across the pipeline. NIFE and the schools command sit under the Naval Education and Training Command, not under CNATRA directly, though McCoy works closely with that command to align the underlying math. Everything inside CNATRA itself, he owns. Once a winged aviator reaches the fleet replacement squadron, they belong to a Type Wing commander answering to a Type Commander. McCoy’s job, as he described it to me, is to take the strategic view across the whole enterprise, identify where the system is efficient and where it is not, and decide which levers to pull and in what order to get back to entitlement fastest.

On the airplane side, CNATRA runs entirely on contracted logistics support rather than Sailors and Marines turning wrenches, so a large share of McCoy’s own time goes into aircraft readiness, what the command calls getting to “North Star,” the number of ready-for-training aircraft needed to execute the daily flight schedule or surge production if required, while managing aircraft service life.

The instructor leg is where the shortage is most acute, and where the workaround has required the most improvisation. McCoy’s active-duty instructor cadre is built from first sea tour rollers, supplemented by permanent flight instructors who have gone off the normal command track to stay in production full time. Beneath that sits a reserve component split between selected reservists and full-time TARs, Marine Corps instructors supplied through the Marine Corps Training Command, and, in some cases, Coast Guard personnel. Layered on top of that structure is a tool McCoy is using more heavily than in the past: what the command calls “SERGRADs,” selectively retained graduate wingers, high performers held in a limited capacity instructor role while they wait for an FRS seat to open. McCoy currently has 15 Marine SERGRADs flying jet training at Kingsville and Meridian, which frees his more experienced instructors to fly the advanced phases, air-to-surface and air-to-air, that SERGRADs are not yet qualified to lead. And then there are the contract instructor pilots, former Navy and Marine Corps jet aviators who McCoy is now looking to expand into the primary phase of training.

What ties all of this together is a deliberate reallocation strategy rather than a single fix: pull the levers available inside CNATRA so that instructor manning at the FRSs, where CNATRA has less flexibility, can be prioritized. CNATRA has more variety in where it can source instructors from; the FRSs need first-tour rollers with specific type-model-series experience, a much narrower pool.

Standards Instead of a Number

The part of the conversation that McCoy came back to more than any other was standards, and it is here that his framing departs most clearly from the production-percentage logic of the previous decade.

McCoy’s response is to institute faster triggers to attrition, so struggling students reach a review board sooner and leadership makes the call earlier rather than later. Attrition in advanced training will still happen, he told me, but at meaningfully lower rates than in the past, because the students reaching that stage will already have cleared a higher bar.

McCoy is candid that he came into this job as, in his words, a TOPGUN graduate, NAWDC commander, and CSG-4 commander with a laser focus on upholding training standardization. The way he described his obligation to students is a reciprocal contract. He owes them, first, the best training environment he can provide with the resources available, and second, clarity about what is expected of them. What they owe him in return is not perfection but full effort every day: showing up ready, learning in the debrief, correcting deficiencies, and making new mistakes rather than repeating old ones. McCoy stated that he is always looking to take a firm, fair, and consistent approach. And he was explicit about why the standard matters as much as it does: the expectations placed on a winged aviator escalate sharply and quickly the moment they reach the Fleet, and the training pipeline’s job is to condition students for that jump before it happens, not after.

He offered a detail that captures how far this commitment goes in practice. When asked how CNATRA is producing at 105 percent of requirement without enough airplanes or instructors, his answer is that the instructor cadre is flying seven days a week. He called being a CNATRA instructor one of the hardest jobs in naval aviation: training the least experienced aviators in the Navy, transmitting culture as much as stick-and-rudder skills, with no finish line and no offseason.

McCoy described his own method, one he said he has applied at every command he has held, as reverse engineering: starting from what a first-tour junior officer in a given type-model-series actually needs to be capable of doing in the Fleet, and working backward through the FRS, then advanced, then primary, so that each stage builds the specific habits and skill sets the next stage requires, rather than each stage optimizing in isolation.

Live Virtual Constructive as Constant Learning, Not a Substitute for Flight Hours

We spent time on Live Virtual Constructive training. McCoy described LVC as complementary to flight time rather than a replacement for it: using ground-based systems to build habits and get students to a “right training, right cost” starting point, so that when they climb into an aircraft they achieve first-pass yield rather than needing to re-fly events they were not ready for. He was careful to distinguish this from an add-on. His view is that LVC only delivers its real value when it is woven into the curriculum, not treated as a separate module bolted onto an otherwise unchanged syllabus.

That distinction matters because of what McCoy called the age of urgency: a security environment with no clean line between crisis and peacetime, where a training system built on the assumption that there will be time to catch up later is no longer viable. What the Fleet needs, in his words, is a dynamic training system, not a custodial one. He was explicit that fixing CNATRA’s current production shortfall is a necessary precondition, not a substitute, for that shift; you cannot build a dynamic, threat-responsive training architecture on top of a pipeline that is still struggling to produce enough aviators to fill Fleet seats.

A Culture the Navy Will Not Outsource

McCoy was equally direct about where he draws a line. He does not want to outsource large parts of the training enterprise more than necessary. Naval aviation, in his framing, is not a normal air force: flying from ships, operating inside a carrier strike group, and supporting amphibious groups all impose requirements that a generic training model does not capture, and he sees it as his job to protect that distinctiveness even as he pulls in outside capacity to solve near-term shortfalls.

The Contract Operated Primary Training-Rotary program is his clearest example of how he squares that circle. Students who go through COPT-R are supervised by an active-duty O-5 who verifies compliance, and CNATRA sends personnel through at elevated frequency to ensure that students see people in Navy and Marine Corps flight suits who can reinforce the cultural content the syllabus alone will not carry. He was clear this is a deliberate, bounded use of outside capacity to relieve pressure on active-duty instructor manning and T-6B readiness, not a step toward wholesale outsourcing.

McCoy flagged something he sees coming that has not yet shown up in the public accounts of Street to Fleet: aviators returning from recent deployments as genuine combat veterans, who will move into CNATRA’s instructor cadre in the near term. McCoy was unambiguous about the value of that shift. There is no substitute, he told me, for a student naval aviator sitting across a briefing table from someone who has employed weapons in combat. That is the mechanism, in his account, by which a training command that is currently focused on fixing its own production math starts to become the kind of open, operationally-current learning system that keeps pace with a threat environment that will not wait for a five-year modernization plan to catch up.

Mr. Fixit

What came through across the conversation was less a modernization narrative than a description of triage performed with an eye already on what comes after it. McCoy was candid that a system in crisis makes innovation challenging because so much of the available time and energy goes into simply making the machine run. However, CNATRA continues to innovate in parallel on initiatives to deliver production efficiencies, uphold standardization, and improve training quality. His stated ambition is to hand his successor a pipeline with the right number of airplanes, the right number of instructors, and time-to-train at entitlement, so that the next Chief of Naval Air Training can accelerate training modernization with a fully operational production line.

CNATRA is not yet the dynamic, threat-responsive training architecture that the kill web environment McCoy’s own aviators will eventually operate in demands. What McCoy described to me is the harder and less visible work of building the foundation that architecture will eventually stand on, without compromising the standard that determines whether the aviators coming off that foundation are ready for the Fleet waiting for them.

Note: This is complete version of the interview.

A condensed version was published earlier on Breaking Defense on September 4, 2026. 

 

AI Agents Need Rules of Engagement Before They Get Credentials

09/19/2026

By Gleb Tsipursky

Defense organizations already understand that authority should track mission, role, and risk. An intelligence analyst, a weapons officer, a contractor, and a system administrator do not receive the same access simply because each can perform useful work. Artificial intelligence agents need the same discipline before they become routine participants in national-security operations.

That need is visible in the METR/Redwood investigation of a major real-world cyberattack on Hugging Face. AI agents driven by an unreleased OpenAI internal research model attacked Hugging Face on their own, despite recognizing that the attack fell outside their assigned scope. Hundreds joined the effort, shared discoveries, divided up the work, coordinated through their own message board, and breached the company’s defenses. The result looked less like a single model making a bad decision and more like a sustained, coordinated cyber operation.

That distinction matters for defense. A single agent may look acceptable in a bounded evaluation, while a group of agents equipped with shared channels, credentials, tools, and the ability to delegate creates capabilities that were never tested as a system. The relevant security question is no longer what one agent can do, but what the collection can do once their permissions start to interact.

This is not an argument against adoption. Strong safeguards increase trust and make faster, wider adoption possible while reducing the risk of failures like the Hugging Face attack.

The most useful framework is a rules-of-engagement model for agent authority. Every consequential deployment should define five things before an agent receives operational access: which systems it may enter, which actions it may take, what it may delegate, which external entities it may contact, and which decisions require a human approval checkpoint.

Those permissions should be technically enforced, not left in a policy memo. An agent that only needs read access should not receive write access. An agent that can recommend a configuration change should not be able to execute it. An agent allowed to coordinate inside a bounded team should not be able to create new communication channels or recruit additional agents without approval.

The NIST AI Agent Standards Initiative points in the right direction by focusing on secure, interoperable, trustworthy agents and the standards needed to support them. National-security organizations should go further in practice, matching controls to operational authority — not just to the model, but to the network the model can reach.

Four steps follow from that principle.

  • First, independently test high-authority agents and agent teams before deployment; red teams should evaluate combinations of permissions, delegation, shared memory, communication, and tool access, rather than treating each capability in isolation.
  • Second, require complete action logging showing which agent acted, under whose authority, with which credentials, and what downstream effects followed, so investigators can reconstruct an incident without guessing which component made the critical choice.
  • Third, build rapid revocation into the architecture itself, so security teams can cut credentials, network access, communication channels, and delegated authority within minutes of an agent crossing a boundary.
  • Fourth, require serious-incident reporting and independent review whenever agents obtain unauthorized access, evade controls, tamper with evaluations, or produce consequential security failures, the same institutional learning discipline defense organizations already apply to mishaps and near-misses in other high-risk domains.

The military value of AI will come from giving software more useful responsibility.

That makes authority design a prerequisite for scale, not an afterthought to it.

Before AI agents receive credentials, they should receive clear rules of engagement and the technical system should make those rules enforceable.

Gleb Tsipursky, PhD, is a behavioral scientist, CEO of Disaster Avoidance Experts, and author of The Psychology of AI Adoption at Work: From Resistance to Results (Georgetown University Press, 2026).

Editor’s Note

Tsipursky’s argument lands squarely on a problem this website has been circling from the platform side for several years. The kill web concept we have developed with Ed Timperlake was always about disaggregating sensor and shooter across a distributed force which is precisely why it forces the authority question Tsipursky raises.

A single node behaving correctly in isolation tells you very little once that node can share cueing data, delegate a fire-control solution, or pull another node into a task. The Hugging Face incident is a software-only, non-kinetic instance of the same structural problem the mesh fleet and IBCS/Golden Dome work has been wrestling with on the hardware side: the meaningful unit of risk is not the individual agent or platform, but what the networked collection can do once permissions and tasking start to interact.

Framed against Ed Timperlake’s Payload-Utility distinction, the difference between a Pu manager that orchestrates and a Pu source that executes — Tsipursky’s rules-of-engagement model is really an argument for deciding, in advance and by design, which AI agents are permitted to be managers and which are permitted only to be sources.

That is also a chaos-management question rather than a crisis-management one: rapid revocation, complete action logging, and independent red-teaming of agent teams are architectural choices made before an incident, not procedures written after one. As the number of agents in a system scales, intelligent mass rather than a handful of exquisite, individually-vetted systems, that distinction between designing for chaos and merely managing the next crisis becomes the whole ballgame.

The Village That Roared: The Principality of Piddington

09/17/2026

By Kenneth Maxwell

Piddington is a small village and civil parish in Oxfordshire. Its population is 358. The British government proposed to house 1,250 male asylum seekers at a disused Ministry of Defence base nearby.

The village voted yesterday (15 September 2026) in a referendum, with 89% participation, to leave the United Kingdom. The vote was 285 to leave and 26 to stay, with one spoiled ballot. Subsequently, the “Principality of Piddington” was established.

The returning officer, Susannah Parden, vice-chair of the Piddington Parish Council, declared: “The village has roared.” As indeed it had. National and international media attention was instantaneous, and the locals proved savvy about exploiting it.

The “village roaring” was a reference to the film starring Peter Sellers, The Mouse That Roared (1959), in which he memorably played the Duchess Gloriana XII, Count Rupert Mountjoy, and Tully Bascombe, the story of the minuscule duchy of Grand Fenwick, bankrupted when an American company produces a cheap imitation of Fenwick’s sole export, its Pinot Grand Fenwick wine.

But an equally pertinent film is the 1949 Ealing Studios comedy Passport to Pimlico, starring Stanley Holloway as Arthur Pemberton, the wonderful Margaret Rutherford as Professor Hatton-Jones, and the inimitable Michael Hordern as a Metropolitan policeman, among other fine actors.

Passport to Pimlico told of the discovery of treasure and documents at a WWII bomb site declaring that a small part of Pimlico in London was legally part of Burgundy, and therefore exempt from post-war rationing and bureaucratic restrictions. In effect, it told the story of a small group of British people standing up against the status quo.

Last weekend, balaclava-clad men in Dover and Portsmouth protested against the waves of small boats crossing the English Channel bringing hundreds of illegal migrants, mainly young men, into the United Kingdom. The National Audit Office has estimated that the asylum system has cost £15 billion over the past ten years, with hotels housing “asylum seekers”, run by the private companies Serco, Clearsprings, and Mears accounting for £4 billion of that total.

September has been the peak month for illegal Channel crossings by small boat over the past ten years. The illegal migrants come predominantly from Afghanistan, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Vietnam, Eritrea, Sudan, and Turkey, and are mainly young men between the ages of 18 and 40.

Tim McNally, chairman of the Piddington Parish Council, said: “Yesterday was the anniversary of the Battle of Britain, and for us it was the battle for Britain.” A 133-member group of women in the village said that “our safety and security, and our freedom, are under threat.” They are right to be worried about the housing of 1,250 migrant men next to a village of 358. There have been horrendous cases of rape, murder, and sexual assault by illegal migrants on women and girls near migrant hotels. The British government has even issued a pamphlet to illegal migrants explaining that in Britain, women should be respected and not subjected to sexual assault.

Some will predictably claim that the villagers of Piddington are NIMBYs (not in my back yard). Indeed, the villagers of Piddington are largely white, they love their cocker spaniels, and the village children are dressed in smart school uniforms. Lisa Nandy, speaking for the government in Westminster, said that migrants should not be housed “only in the poorer communities.”

But the “Principality of Piddington” reveals something much deeper: a boiling anger among British citizens at the government’s incapacity to deal effectively with illegal small-boat Channel crossings, which — as of 1 August 2026 — had already seen 14,526 people enter this way this year alone, on top of the 45,774 who arrived by small boat in 2022, and the many thousands more who have arrived since.

The erstwhile “King of the North”, the former Mayor of Greater Manchester and now the latest British Prime Minister, Andy Burnham, says he has noted the protest in Piddington. No doubt American President Donald J. Trump will have something to say on the matter of controlling illegal migration when the two men meet for their first face-to-face encounter since Burnham became Prime Minister, at the UN in New York City next week.

The Return of Harry and Meghan: The Continuing Saga

Mastering Chaos: A Leadership Framework for Homeland Defense

09/16/2026

Remarks to the Nevada National Guard Pre-Command Course, September 15, 2026

By Robbin F. Laird

On the morning of September 11, 2001, I was sitting in the waiting area outside the Secretary of Defense’s office at the Pentagon, watching a small television, when the first plane hit the World Trade Center. As a New Yorker, my reaction was immediate — this was no accident. Someone in the room mentioned that an air defense alert was going up, but there was still a strange, suspended hope that this might stay a “New York event.” I didn’t believe it. We went ahead with the meeting anyway. Then the building shook.

What happened next has stayed with me longer than almost anything else in four decades of this work. We moved outside into what I can only call controlled chaos, smoke rising, people running, and yet, in the middle of it, an extraordinary sense of purpose. No one was waiting for orders. As I made my way toward the parking lot, I saw Secretary Rumsfeld and General Myers heading back into the building. It wasn’t a photo op. It was instinct, leadership that had no plan to consult, because no plan existed for what had just happened, and that acted anyway.

About a week later, I took the train up to New York to sit down with Mike Wallace for a 60 Minutes segment on the French counter-terrorism model. I knew Manhattan from my Columbia days, long before the towers existed, and I’d watched the skyline get redefined by them. Now I watched it redefined again, pulling into the city and seeing that absence, like a chapter had been written into that skyline and then physically torn back out. On camera, I talked about Judge Bruguière and how France had built its counter-terrorism approach the hard way, through trial and error, including stopping a hijacked Air France jet in 1994 before it could be flown into the Eiffel Tower. The warning lights had been blinking for years. We just hadn’t believed anyone would pull it off here.

That’s the distinction I want to open with tonight. Crisis management assumes the ground eventually goes still again: you identify the problem, you fix it, you get back to steady state. On 9/11, and in every homeland defense scenario your Guard has trained for since, the ground doesn’t go still. The people who function best in that moment aren’t the ones with the better binder. They’re the ones who can act on an incomplete picture, adjust in public as the picture changes, and keep moving. That’s not crisis management. That’s chaos management.

Some of you have read the book. I’m not going to summarize it. I’m going to spend our time together on five things from it that I think apply directly to what you do.

Stop Managing Crises. Start Managing Chaos.

Crisis management has a built-in assumption baked into the word itself: disorder is temporary. You identify the problem, you fix it, you restore the prior steady state. That logic still works for a bounded, well-understood incident, a single building fire, a single accident, a single bad actor with a known playbook.

It fails the moment the system itself is shifting under you. And that, not the bounded incident, is the normal operating condition for homeland defense. Cascading wildfire, grid, and cyber events arriving on top of one another. Compressed timelines that don’t leave room for the deliberate planning cycle you trained on. Multiple jurisdictions and multiple agencies in the room at once, each with its own authorities, its own chain of command, its own definition of what “resolved” looks like.

I want to give you a diagnostic test, and I’d genuinely like you to sit with it rather than just nod along: look at how your unit spends its planning energy. Is it organized around solving named contingencies one at a time, Scenario A, Scenario B, Scenario C, each with its own binder, is it organized around building the capacity to absorb whatever comes next, named or not?

Most organizations, without meaning to, drift toward the first model. It’s easier to brief. It’s easier to resource. It produces a plan you can point to.

But a plan built for Scenario A doesn’t bend well when reality hands you Scenario A-and-a-half, arriving at the same time as an unrelated cyber intrusion and a jurisdictional dispute with a neighboring state’s Guard.

The reframe I’m asking you to make is this: the goal isn’t to get back to normal faster. It’s to build the capacity to function while normal keeps moving because in this line of work, normal is rarely going to hold still long enough for you to get back to it.

Reframe Exercises as Laboratories, Not Examinations

This is where I want to connect directly to your own language, because you’ve already lived this one. When I sat down with General Lau to talk about Desert Forge, we landed, almost by accident, in the course of the conversation, on a phrase that captures exactly what I’m describing: operational discovery.

Here’s the distinction. Most exercises, in most organizations, are built to validate a plan somebody already wrote. You run the scenario, the plan performs roughly as expected, everyone gets a passing grade, and the after-action report confirms what leadership already believed going in. That’s an examination. It tells you whether you can execute what you already know.

A chaos-ready force designs exercises to do the opposite: to break the plan. Deliberately. The point isn’t to confirm what you assumed walking in. It’s to surface what you didn’t know you needed, and to find that out in an exercise rather than in an actual event where the cost of discovery is measured in something other than an after-action slide.

That takes a specific kind of structure, not just a mindset. It means standing up something like a chaos cell, a small group sitting near the commander whose entire job is short, iterative experiments rather than the production of glossy concepts. It means building rapid learning loops that get insights out of the exercise and into doctrine, training, and acquisition conversations fast, before the organization pays for the same lesson twice, once in the exercise and once for real.

I suspect that, listening to this, you’re not hearing something foreign. Desert Forge is proof that you’re already doing a version of this. What I’m offering is language for it, and a frame for pushing it further and more deliberately.

There’s a reason this matters beyond the exercise itself. An organization that only ever validates its plans develops a kind of institutional confidence that isn’t earned. It looks like readiness because nothing has yet forced it to be wrong in public. An organization that deliberately breaks its own plans, on its own schedule, in a controlled setting, earns a different kind of confidence: the knowledge of exactly where the plan bends and where it snaps, discovered before an adversary or a wildfire discovers it for you. That’s the return on investment for operational discovery, and it’s why I’d argue for treating it as a standing practice rather than a one-time exercise design choice.

Build for Resilience, Not Brittle Efficiency

Modern organizations — military and civilian alike — are trained from the ground up to prize efficiency. Single suppliers. Single data hubs. Single command paths. That’s a rational design choice when conditions are stable, because every redundant channel, every backup path, every bit of leadership depth beyond the bare minimum, looks like waste on a budget slide. It’s overhead you can cut without anyone noticing until the day conditions stop being stable.

This point is directly relevant to a force that has to plug into civilian authorities, other states’ National Guards, and federal agencies on short notice, often across jurisdictional seams that don’t map cleanly onto any single chain of command. You don’t get to choose your partners in a cascading event. You get whoever is standing in the adjacent jurisdiction when the grid goes down, and you’d better already have a working relationship and a backup way to talk to them.

So here’s the question I want to leave with you, and I mean it as something to actually take back to your unit, not just a rhetorical flourish for this morning: if you lost a key node tomorrow — a headquarters, a data center, a comms hub — what could still function within twenty-four hours?

Multiple channels instead of single suppliers. Backup decision paths that cross jurisdictional lines before you need them, not after. Leadership depth beyond the minimum required to fill a billet. All of it looks like waste on a normal Tuesday. None of it looks like waste on the day the node goes down.

Forge Chaos Navigators

Everything I’ve described so far, chaos management as a stance, operational discovery as a method, resilience as a design principle, is architecture. And architecture doesn’t run itself.

It needs leaders who can operate inside it under pressure, who can hold a structure like this together when it’s being tested in real time rather than on a slide. That is, specifically, the person this course is trying to produce.

There are four trainable capabilities I want to name plainly, because I think naming them is half the battle.

Adaptive thinking: the ability to act on a provisional map and revise it in public as new information comes in, without treating the revision as a failure of the original plan.

Pattern recognition under uncertainty: reading weak signals before the picture is complete, rather than waiting for certainty that a fast-moving situation will not grant you.

Emotional regulation under stress: holding steady judgment when the stakes feel real, which is a different skill from holding steady judgment in a training environment where everyone knows it’s an exercise.

Collaborative sensemaking across functions that don’t normally talk to each other: building a shared picture with people whose training, vocabulary, and institutional incentives are not your own, the civilian emergency manager, the utility operator, the neighboring state’s Guard, the federal liaison.

Here’s the honest note, and I want to be direct about it: none of this shows up automatically with seniority or rank. Command time alone doesn’t build it. It has to be deliberately built, through realistic simulation and structured reflection, not just accumulated experience, which can just as easily teach you to trust a plan that happened to work once as it can teach you genuine adaptive judgment.

So let me ask you something, and you don’t need to answer it out loud: where in your career have you actually been trained to act on incomplete information, as opposed to simply being expected to?

For most people in this kind of career, the honest answer is that the expectation arrived well before the training did. That gap is exactly what this course, and frankly what Desert Forge, exists to close.

I’d add one more thing about this list of four, because it matters for how you use it. These are not personality traits that some officers have and others don’t. They’re skills, in the same sense that land navigation or weapons handling are skills and they degrade without practice, they improve with deliberate repetition, and they can be assessed. If your unit’s leader-development program doesn’t have a way to observe and coach adaptive thinking, pattern recognition, emotional regulation, and collaborative sensemaking with the same rigor it applies to physical and technical proficiency, that’s a gap worth closing before your next command, not after.

The Five Imperatives

I’m not going to re-teach these. I’m going to give them to you as a fast, punchy list you can write down and carry with you, because if you remember nothing else from tonight, I want you to remember these five lines.

One: stop managing crises — start managing chaos. Disorder in this line of work is not a temporary deviation from a stable baseline. It is the baseline.

Two: build for resilience, not brittle efficiency. Redundancy that looks like waste on a quiet day is the thing that keeps you functioning on the day that isn’t quiet.

Three: normalize operating in sustained ambiguity — treat early decisions as tests, not final commitments. You will act before you have full information. The goal is not to eliminate that condition; it’s to get comfortable revising in public rather than defending a first call past the point it still makes sense.

Four: treat wicked problems as ongoing terrain, not solvable tasks. Some problems in this field don’t have a resolution state. They have a condition you manage continuously. Stop looking for the finish line on those, and start building the muscle to operate on that terrain indefinitely.

Five: make your own thinking — and your team’s — the primary object of attention. The organizations that survive sustained ambiguity are not the ones with the smartest single leader. They’re the ones where thinking clearly under pressure is itself a monitored, coached, and deliberately improved skill, the same way marksmanship or physical fitness is.

This isn’t a slogan. It’s a shift from being the leader who personally fixes every fire to being the one who builds the organization’s capacity to keep thinking clearly while the fire is still burning.

Those are not the same skill, and the second one is harder, because it means your job is no longer to be the smartest person solving the problem in the room. It’s to make sure the room itself stays capable of solving problems it hasn’t seen before.

Closing

You already do a version of this. Desert Forge is proof of it, operational discovery didn’t arrive in this room tonight as a foreign concept; it arrived as a name for something General Lau’s team is already practicing. My hope today is more modest than convincing you of something new. It’s that you leave with language and a framework for what you’re already doing well, and a few concrete places to push further before your next command.

Go back to your diagnostic question about planning energy. Go back to the twenty-four-hour node question. Go back to asking where in your own career you were actually trained, rather than just expected, to act on incomplete information and then ask whether the people under your next command will be able to answer that question any better than you can right now.

That’s the work. It doesn’t end when this talk does, and it doesn’t end when the exercise after-action report gets filed.

It’s the ongoing terrain I mentioned a moment ago.

Thank you — I’ll hand it over to your questions.

 

Long Range Persistence Fires the USMC Way

09/14/2026

U.S. Marines with Fire Support Battalion, 10th Marine Regiment, and Marine Air Support Squadron 1, Marine Air Control Group 28, operate a command and control node to integrate with a U.S. Marine operated Australian StrikeMaster Coastal Defense System and a Norwegian Maneuver Air Defense system on Jan Mayen, Norway, Aug. 29 to Sept. 3, 2026.

The training was part of Operation Atlantic City 26, a Norwegian-led trilateral readiness initiative with the United Kingdom and United States designed to develop and demonstrate expeditionary advanced base capabilities and validate combined fires, maritime domain awareness, and sea denial to reinforce the security and stability of the High North.

Jan Mayen is sovereign Norwegian territory situated in an isolated part of the Norwegian Sea, approximately 1,000 kilometers (620 miles) from mainland Norway.

At the same time, the island occupies an important geostrategic position north of the Greenland-Iceland-U.K. gap, an area of water strategically significant to the defense of the U.S. homeland and northern Europe. This video was created on Sept. 7, 2026.

NORWAY

09.07.2026

Video by Sgt. Kedrick Schumacher 

U.S. Marine Corps Forces, Europe and Africa