Exercise Ramstein Flag 24

01/31/2025

Exercise Ramstein Flag 24, organised by NATO’s Allied Air Command and the Hellenic Air Force, held in Greece. This exercise ran  from 30 September to 11 October 2024 and marks the first iteration of the ‘Flag’ series, which aims to demonstrate NATO’s determination and capacity to implement and execute the ‘Deter and Defend’ concept across NATO member countries in the Euro-Atlantic region.

The primary objective of Ramstein Flag 24 is to strengthen cooperation, interoperability and integration among Allied forces. It serves as a powerful demonstration of NATO’s resolve, commitment and ability to deter potential adversaries while defending the Alliance through multi-domain operations.

Along with NATO AWACS aircraft and NATO RQ-4D Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance drones, over 130 fighter and enabler aircraft from Canada, France, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom and the United States are participating in the exercise.

The exercise integrates air, land, maritime, space and cyber domains under NATO command and control. It provides a unique opportunity to practise Counter Anti-Access/Area Denial (C-A2/AD) and Integrated Air and Missile Defence (IAMD) tactics, techniques and procedures in a realistic operational environment.

GREECE

10.02.2024

Natochannel

MQ-9 Training

01/29/2025

U.S. Marines assigned to Marine Aviation Weapons and Tactics Squadron One, conduct an MQ-9 training flight as part of Weapons and Tactics Instructor course 1-25 at Laguna Army Airfield, Arizona, Oct. 5, 2024. WTI course is a seven-week training event hosted by MAWTS-1 which emphasizes operational integration of the six functions of Marine aviation in support of the Marine Air Ground Task Force, Joint and Coalition Forces.

10.05.2024

Video by Cpl. Nicholas Johnson 

Marine Aviation Weapons and Tactics Squadron-1

Logistical Support for Distributed Maritime Effects

01/28/2025

By Robbin Laird

I am publishing a book later this year forcused on the paradigm shift in maritime operations. For this paradigm shift, the U.S. must get beyond a primary focus on the thirty-year shipbuilding plan.

While the U.S. Navy and its allies focus on distributed capital ship operations, there is a growing significance of delivering distributed maritime effects, which may or may not need the capital ship.

In either case, DMO for capital ships or DMO in terms of distributed maritime effects, logistical support is crucial, but is not the same in each case.

The first relies heavily on the Maritime Selaift Command whereas the second relies on airpower and innovations in new ways in how seaborne support can be provided. And in the latter case how airpower and maritime autonomous systems can be combined to provide both for the insertion and support of the forces providing for distributed maritime effects.

A recent piece by Brian Kerg on the Center for International Maritime Security website provided a ground forces perspective on delivering distributed maritime effects to provide means to provide for the significant shortfall in U.S. maritime combat capability.

“The U.S. cannot afford to wait decades to conventionally offset the military advantage of China at sea and protect its interests. Instead, the U.S. can quickly regain advantage asymmetrically by putting the right fit of combat credible military power at key maritime terrain now.

“While it may take the U.S. years to build a single ship, it can raise, man, and equip ground forces optimized for operations on key maritime terrain at the speed of relevance, raising minimally required forces in under a year.

“Such forces, once raised, can achieve asymmetric and decisive strategic deterrent effects through permanent deployment to decisive points within the territory of U.S. allies such as Japan and the Philippines, and partners such as Taiwan.”

The photo accompanying the article highlights the importance of airpower in inserting the force. But how to logistically sustain the force or move the force rapidly?

In addition to the Osprey, the Marines have access to a new combat capability, namely the CH-53K which can deliver significant supply loads including munitions at the point of need.

And these two aircraft can be assisted by the coming of maritime autonomous systems as well in providing a combined arms approach to logistical support, including movement of the insertion force to different locations supporting maritime operations.

In short, it is not just abouit capital ships.

With the need to increase maritime combat rapidly, airpower and introducing maritime autonomous systems are key capabilities which rely on different supply chains and are built more rapidly than capital ships.

There is a clear ned for a comprehensive strategy for enhanced maritime operational capability which combines consideration for new capital ships for DMO as well as new ways to insert and support distributed maritime effects.

See also, the following:

The Launch Point: Why a Combined Arms Operation with Maritime Autonomous Systems?

Optimizing for the Contested Logistics Mission: The Role of Maritime Autonomous Systems

U.S. Navy Logistical Support and Contested Logistics

2nd MAW CG Flight

01/27/2025

U.S. Marines with Marine All-Weather Fighter Attack Squadron (VMFA (AW)) 224 prepare an F/A-18C Hornet for flight that is piloted by Maj. Gen. William Swan, the commanding general of 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing, at Marine Corps Air Station Beaufort, South Carolina, Oct. 1, 2024.

MARINE CORPS AIR STATION BEAUFORT, SOUTH CAROLINA

10.01.2024

Video by Cpl. Rowdy Vanskike

2nd Marine Aircraft Wing    

An Estonian Perspective on Building European Defence Capability

01/26/2025

By Pierre Tran

Paris – The Estonian ambassador, Lembit Uibo, pointed up Jan 21 the need for compromise when ordering weapons from European Union nations, the U.S. and other allies, with the key factors being price, quality and delivery time.

There was need for “compromise,” the senior diplomat told the Association des Journalistes de Défense (AJD), a press club, when asked whether the E.U.’s planned multi-billion euro fund for common weapons procurement should be spent on European arms rather than those from the U.S. and other allied nations.

Tallinn was “fully on board” with France, he said, with Paris seeking to spend French taxpayers’ money on weapons built by the European defense industry. But, he added, the reality was Estonia could not get all the military kit it needed “in the short term” in Europe, and could find the weapons built by allies such as the U.S., U.K., Turkey, and South Korea.

There was a policy preference for European-built weapons, but there were three key procurement criteria, namely price, quality, and delivery date, he said.

The diplomat referred to E.U. studies which pointed up an “enormous” annual shortfall of €200 billion ($210 billion) in European military spending, and said Tallinn strongly supported the creation of an E.U. fund of €500 billion for common arms procurement among the 27 member states.

The launch of E.U.-backed €100 billion eurobonds would feature in the proposed funding of  procurement, which Tallinn backed along with Paris, he said. That E.U. arms fund was expected to feature in an E.U. defense white paper due in February.

Poland, which holds the rotating presidency of the E.U. council, seeks to forge consensus on the arms funding package by the middle of the year.

Tallinn has long seen Moscow as “potential aggressor” and “a threat to security,” the ambassador said. Estonia planned to spend 3.4 percent of gross domestic product on the military budget in 2025, after previously spending more than two percent.

The perception of Russian naval threat has risen sharply, with the U.K. defense secretary, John Healey, telling Jan. 21 parliament the Royal Navy had been tracking closely what he said was a Russian “spy ship,” the Yantar, as it sailed through British waters the day before. In November, a British attack submarine, reported to be the Astute, unusually surfaced next to the Yantar, to show the ship was being closely tracked, the defense secretary said.

Finland seized Dec. 26 a tanker, the Eagle S, registered in the Cook Islands and carrying Russian oil. The Finnish authorities suspected that ship had deliberately damaged the day before an undersea power cable between Finland and Estonia, and four telecom lines, by dragging its anchor on the Baltic seabed.

Estonia joined the E.U. in 2004, after breaking away from the Soviet Union in 1990 along with partner Baltic nations Latvia and Lithuania. The three Baltic nations are also Nato members, after some 50 years of Russian occupation.

Building Fast

Close ties between Estonia and France would be seen with the French-built Caesar artillery appearing at Estonia’s Feb. 24 independence day parade, with the French armed forces minister, Sébastien Lecournu, due to attend the anniversary parade, the ambassador said.
“He should be there,” lieutenant colonel Alo Valdna, the Estonian defense attaché, said.

There are also close military links between Estonia and the U.K., the ambassador said.

The delivery time for the Caesar was “very short,” he said, referring to the 155 mm, 52 caliber artillery which Estonia had ordered.

Arms builder KNDS France speeded up production of the Caesar after the French authorities called for faster delivery of weapons in response to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Estonia, along with Croatia and France, signed a framework agreement last June for a pooled order for the artillery, with each partner nation ordering 12 units. The order was 15 percent funded by the E.U., through the European Defense Industry Reinforcement through Common Procurement Act (EDIRPA).

Armenia also ordered the Caesar, the French defense minister said on a social platform last June, with the AFP news agency reporting Yerevan had ordered 36 of the truck-mounted gun.

Estonia was also buying a fresh stock of the French-built Mistral short-range missile, and the German-built IRIS-T medium-range missile, the diplomat said. Tallinn had yet to decide on a  long-range missile.

The Estonian Centre for Defence Investments said Jan. 21 the procurement office had received six U.S.-built M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (Himars), as part of its “strategic partnership with the United States.”

The multiple rocket launchers were due to be shipped to Estonia in the next few months. Tallinn placed the $200 million order two years ago.

In Europe, investment could be made to plug capability gaps in Nato, such as drones, long-range strike, air defense, and ammunition, the ambassador said.

There was need to do more in Europe, and it was urgent, he said, as there was a full scale war in Europe, and the U.S. appeared to be set to turn to Asia.

Meanwhile, oil was the main source of revenue for Moscow, the diplomat said, and the package of energy sanctions announced by the outgoing Joe Biden administration just days before the Jan. 20 inauguration was “better late than never.”

A Western price cap on the energy sector would be a good way of tightening financial screws on Russia, which relied on shipping oil to China and India, he said. Russia drew heavily on a “shadow fleet” of tankers registered offshore.

Another form of financial pressure would be if Western allies seized the €260 billion of Russian assets frozen around the world, as Ukraine needed military aid, the diplomat said.
Anti-Moscow activist Bill Browder, speaking at the World Economic Forum at Davos, called for the Russian assets to be cashed in and spent, to support Ukraine, U.K. daily The Guardian reported Jan. 22. Ukraine’s need for financial support would be all the greater if the new U.S. administration cut off military aid to Kyiv, the report said.

There has previously been talk of seizing the interest due on the frozen Russian assets, but the financial threat may have risen.

The Estonian independence day will also display the Mistral surface-to-air missile and South Korean-built K9 tracked artillery, with the British army unit, the pipes and drums, taking part.  The parade marks the 105th anniversary of the Estonia parliamentary republic.

Nato Patrol in the Baltic Sea

There will be a Nato naval mission, dubbed Baltic Sentry, sailing in the Baltic Sea, Lt Col Valdna, said. Estonia and Finland were the key partners, and Germany and the Netherlands have offered ships to patrol waters against ships controlled by Moscow.

The Nato Baltic Sea allies held a Jan. 14 summit due to rising concerns over ships suspected of cutting underwater cable and security infrastructure in those critical waters. The alliance announced the Baltic Sentry mission will include frigates, maritime patrol aircraft, and a small fleet of naval drones.

The French forces will deploy the Croix du Sud, a tripartite countermine ship attached to the Nato TG 441.03 mine warfare unit, part of the standing NATO mine countermeasures group one (SNMCMG1), the French joint chiefs of staff said in response to an enquiry. France will also fly an Atlantique 2 (ATL2) maritime patrol aircraft in that allied Baltic mission.

The timing of deployment was withheld for reasons of operational security, the office said.
Baltic Sentry was a Nato naval surveillance operation intended to deter all threats to underwater and strategic infrastructure, the office said.

Macron Calls for Buy European

“France leads the ‘buy European’ camp, while Sweden and the Netherlands want to open up more to non-E.U. allies,” said a research note, Quick march! Ten steps for a European defence surge, from European Policy Centre, a Brussels-based think tank.

Macron has long argued for a European-first approach in ordering arms, and the arrival of a second term for Trump appeared to have raised the stakes.

The French commander in chief called Jan. 20 in his new year’s speech to the services for a “European preference” in arms procurement, while acknowledging Europe could not always be the champion. The risk lay in being marginalized in all the competitions.

Asked about the new U.S. administration, the Estonian ambassador said, “Estonia is a very, very transatlantic country” in defense and security terms.

“The United States is still the only force capable of deterring Russia,” he said.

The Estonian aim was always to find common ground and hold constructive dialog, reflecting a geopolitical need and a history in defense and security with the U.S.

The Tallinn approach was “let’s go with it day-by-day, let’s see what it brings, let’s not panic, let’s be constructive,” he said.

That approach was not just for Estonia, but also for the European Union, as the U.S. was the biggest market for the E.U., he said.

The E.U. shipped annual exports to the U.S. worth more than €500 billion, while the U.S. sold goods worth  €300 billion-€350 billion to the E.U., he said. That marked the “extremely important interaction” between the United States and the E. U., he said, adding he hoped this would be more clearly seen as time went by with the new U.S. administration, President Donald Trump and his advisers.

“We hope that this transatlantic tie will stay strong,” he said.

Trump said Jan. 22 Washington would impose trade tariffs on E.U. exports to the U.S., after media reports pointed up the absence of anti-E.U. measures in his inauguration speech in the Rotunda, just the day before.

When asked which European voice should Trump listen to, the ambassador said Emmanuel Macron, adding the French president had called for a “renaissance” of European capability.

Kaja Kallas, the E.U. high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, was the other European official Trump should listen to, the Estonian diplomat said.

“I also hope that the new high representative of the European Union, Kaja Kallas, will be one of the voices that Mr. Trump will be listening to,” he said.

Kallas said Jan. 22 Russia posed an “existential threat” to Europe, which needed to boost defense spending, Reuters reported. Kallas, an ex-lawyer and former adviser at Estonia’s Vanemuine theatre, was Estonian prime minister before taking up the E.U. post in 2024.
Kallas and the European commissioner for defense and space, Andrius Kubilius of Lithuania, are drafting the E.U. white paper on defense.

Italian prime minister Giorgia Meloni was the only European head of government at the U.S. inauguration, and she had seen Trump at his Mar-a-Lago private residence a fortnight before he was sworn in as the 47th president.

The ambassador received the journalists at the embassy, housed in a classic Haussmanian building, distinctively redesigned inside. The embassy threw its doors open to the public last year in a cultural open day as part of the Paris Olympic and Paralympic Games.

Estonia’s resistance to Russia appears in the John le Carré spy novel, Smiley’s People, where Vladimir, an Estonian general, played a key role in delivering a Russian spy chief, the Sandman, to the British intelligence service.

Credit graphic: ID 240394650 | Estonian Map © Aleksis15 | Dreamstime.com

Exercise Formosa

01/24/2025

U.S. Marines with Alpha Company, 1st Battalion, 24th Marine Regiment and Marines with 3rd Air Naval Gunfire Liaison Company are hosted by the Brazilian Marine Corps in support of Brazilian Marines Corps infantry training Exercise Formosa Sept. 6-21, 2024, in Formosa, Brazil.

U.S. Marine Corps participation in Exercise Formosa, a key event in the military cooperation between the two nations.

FORMOSA, GOIáS, BRAZIL

09.21.2024

Video by Cpl. Aaron TorresLemus

U.S. Marine Corps Forces, South

“Baltic Sentry”: An Important Place to Start for Accelerating the Paradigm Shift in Maritime Operations

01/23/2025

A recent NATO decision provides a golden opportunity to work an effective approach accelerating the paradigm shift in maritime operations.

At a summit of NATO Baltic allies held on 14 January 2025, the Sec Gen of NATO announced the establishment of a new NATO task force.

According to a NATO press release:

At the meeting in Helsinki, Mr Rutte announced the launch of a new military activity by NATO to strengthen the protection of critical infrastructure.  “Baltic Sentry” will enhance NATO’s military presence in the Baltic Sea and improve Allies’ ability to respond to destabilizing acts.

At the Summit, leaders from across the region addressed the growing threat to critical undersea infrastructure. The Secretary General said recent sabotage had damaged energy and communication cables, but he was confident that, “by working together with all Allies – we will do what it takes to ensure the safety and security not only of our critical infrastructure but of all that we hold dear.”

“Baltic Sentry” will involve a range of assets, including frigates and maritime patrol aircraft. The Secretary General also announced the deployment of new technologies, including a small fleet of naval drones, and highlighted that NATO will work with Allies to integrate national surveillance assets – all to improve the ability to protect critical undersea infrastructure and respond if required. NATO will work within the Critical Undersea Infrastructure Network, which includes industry, to explore further ways to protect infrastructure and improve resilience of underwater assets.

Mr Rutte also stressed the importance of robust enforcement. He highlighted how Finland has demonstrated that firm action within the law is possible, “Ship captains must understand that potential threats to our infrastructure will have consequences, including possible boarding, impounding, and arrest.”

According to SHAPE: Allied Command Operations (ACO), which is responsible for the planning and execution of all NATO operations, is executing Baltic Sentry in the Baltic Sea to deter any future attempts by a state or non-state actor to damage critical undersea infrastructure there.

The multi-domain activity, which will continue for an undisclosed amount of time, is in response to damage to undersea cables connecting Estonia and Finland on Dec. 25, and follows a declaration of solidarity by Allies with the two countries on Dec. 30, and the Baltic Sea NATO Allies Summit in Helsinki, Finland today.

“Baltic Sentry will deliver focused deterrence throughout the Baltic Sea and counter destabilizing acts like those observed last month,” said U.S. Army General Christopher G. Cavoli, Supreme Allied Commander Europe. “It is indicative of the Alliance’s ability to rapidly respond to such destabilization, and shows the strength of our unity in the face of any challenge.”

Allied Joint Force Command Brunssum (JFCBS) will lead ‘Baltic Sentry’ for ACO, and synchronize its multi-domain activities, with Allied Maritime Command (MARCOM) playing a central role in the maritime domain.

The NATO Maritime Centre for Security of Critical Underwater Infrastructure (NMCSCUI), a networking and knowledge centre based at MARCOM, will assist ACO and NATO Allies in making decisions and coordinating action relating to critical undersea infrastructure protection and response.

While Baltic Sentry is new, NATO Forces maintain persistent presence in the Baltic Sea, conducting regular patrols and joint exercises to enhance readiness. Allied warships, submarines and aircraft, supported by advanced maritime surveillance technology, monitor waters throughout this region and beyond.

The Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) is the military headquarters of ACO.

I discussed this development and the significant opportunity for maritime operational innovation with the former head of the Danish Navy. Rear Admiral (Retired) Torben Mikkelsen on 15 January 2025. He argued that the NATO nations involved in “Baltic Sentry” had a significant opportunity for innovation by integrating uncrewed systems, notably automated ones, to deliver the basic ISR needed for a mission which encompassed underwater and above water surveillance.

These systems could be launched from shore, air dropped or launched from manned vessels. In fact, learning how to work multiple platform and locational launch points in a mesh consisting of manned and unmanned platforms and systems would be an important part of preparing for any future crisis in the Baltic Sea region.

The use of manned assets solely to do so in regular conditions would not be preparing NATO for crisis or wartime situations in which the Russians would try to control the Baltic Sea but by using land-based and air systems, and with their learning curve in Ukraine would undoubtedly use drone technology.

According to  Mikkelsen: “NATO needed to start from the ground up with a new approach which was built on how a combination of manned ship platforms with payloads of uncrewed systems could deliver the desired results in the entire spectrum of conflict, and the Baltic Sea is a very good “naval laboratory” to use for exactly that.

“It is important to ensure that we can deliver the needed effects both now when operating without a direct threat and in a wartime scenario which is congested with hostile unmanned effects in all domains. In the latter situation the interest in operating with manned assets will be very low.

“It is about being able to transform the needed effects between manned and unmanned assets and to be able to use such in the right combination in line with the current threat and tha signal you want to send to the opponent.”

We discussed also the fact that NATO has a shortage of manned ships and personnel which will not end any time soon and that using autonomous systems provided a significant innovation path to get the desired effects one wanted with much less operational personnel. And with maritime autonomous systems or MAS the personnel would not even have to be in the military per se.

With the European states surrounding the Baltic Sea all now part of NATO there was the important opportunity to learn how to operate these new systems together and to share the data generated from them. As the Admiral put it: “If we do this right, then we will be able to share military payloads amongst those nations.”

It is a question of both technological and organizational change which is entailed in a new approach to managing Baltic security. The time to learn to do so is now and not trying to improvise in a crisis.

The Admiral in his last job as Executive Director, Navy Programs, Defence Command, Denmark, saw him laser focused on the relationship of building a new generation of modular ships which were built with the engagement of autonomous systems in mind. He argued that the Danish approach to building next generation modular capital ships was based on the concept of projecting autonomous systems to provide the range to achieve the desired maritime effects.

The Danes are focused as are others on building capital ships which function as “motherships” and the question then is in the Admiral’s words: “How much autonomous military payload can the mothership carry? And that mother ship platform could be also remotely controlled in case of full-scale war.”

He underscored the similarities between the Black Sea with the Baltic and felt that the experiences of the Ukrainians and Russians there would clearly be deeply imprinted on the Russia mind, so that NATO should not use a legacy approach in dealing with Baltic maritime security and defense operations which the Russians will have already thought beyond.

The irony could be that the Russians learned faster from the Ukraine war about maritime operations than NATO.

The Ukrainian example of using remotely piloted USVs to affect significantly maritime operations has led to Ukrainian interest in such a concept as well. If a nation directly confronting the key adversary in Europe has learned the value of these new systems, why would NATO drag its feet on learning to use them as part of its combat force?

The Baltic Sentry effort is a perfect place to start.

Featured photo is from the SHAPE press release quoted earlier in the article: Sweden is a nation with a rich maritime heritage, which has long played a significant role in international naval operations and security. As a NATO’s newest member, Sweden has consistently demonstrated its commitment to European and transatlantic security through various collaborations and contributions to the NATO Alliance, particularly in the maritime domain. – Archived imaged by NATO’s Allied Maritime Command

Author’s Note: I will be publishing a book later this year addressing the question of the nature of the paradigm shift in maritime operations.

B-2 in Australia

01/22/2025

Three U.S. Air Force B-2 Spirit stealth bombers preparing for takeoff and departing for a final Bomber Task Force mission at Royal Australian Air Force Base Amberley, Australia, Sept. 13, 2024.

Bomber missions contribute to joint force lethality and deter aggression in the Indo-Pacific by demonstrating USAF ability to operate anywhere in the world at any time in support of the National Defense Strategy.

RAAF BASE AMBERLEY, QUEENSLAND, AUSTRALIA

09.13.2024

Video by Staff Sgt. Whitney Erhart

131st Bomb Wing