HIMARS Training

08/20/2021

U.S. Marines assigned to 3d Battalion, 12th Marine Regiment, 3d Marine Division, fire Guided Multiple Launch Rocket Systems during Exercise Talisman Sabre 21 at Shoalwater Bay Training Area, Queensland, Australia, July 19, 2021.

TS21, the ninth iteration and conducted since 2005, occurs biennially across Northern Australia.

SHOALWATER BAY, QLD, AUSTRALIA

07.19.2021

Video by Staff Sgt. Laiqa Hitt 3rd Marine Division

The Launch of Australia’s Defence Data Strategy

08/19/2021

According to an article published by the Australian Department of Defence on August 4, 2021, the government has launched a new defence data strategy.

The world is experiencing rapid digitisation and growth in the creation of data.

The increasing connection of services to the internet is exposing vulnerabilities in global supply chains, a potential precursor to conventional conflict. Emerging technologies, highly dependent on data, are being rapidly translated into weapons systems. Technologies such as artificial intelligence, machine learning and autonomous unmanned weaponry, are shrinking decision time and improving weapon precision and lethality.

Data underpins the ability to make rapid and informed decisions. Lead the Way: Defence Transformation Strategy recognises that the effective use and management of data is critical to everything Defence does.

Unlocking the power of Defence data will help automate processes and reporting, increasing the ability to make informed decisions regarding strategy, capability, and resources.

On 4 August, the Assistant Minister for Defence, The Honourable Andrew Hastie MP launched the Defence Data Strategy 2021-2023.

The Strategy outlines the pillars, practical initiatives and priority data areas that will guide Defence in uplifting data management and analytics across the organisation.

The five pillars in the Strategy – govern, trust, discover, use and share – will help guide data management across the organisation and will enable Defence to use data more effectively as circumstances change.

The Defence Data Strategy demonstrates the investment in data capability within the Defence workforce. Implementing the Strategy will fundamentally changing the way Defence manages and works with data, building strong data literacy and analytic skillsets.

The Strategy will uplift Defence enterprise data management and analytics practices in order to deliver on the Defence vision and mission.

The 2020 Defence Strategic Update identified that Australia’s security environment has deteriorated. Major power competition, military modernisation, disruptive technological change and new threats are all making our region less safe. As the strategic environment changes around us, we have to change with it.

Defence, as a matter of necessity, must continue to improve its ability to deliver on its current commitments while retaining the organisational capacity to anticipate and respond effectively to strategic challenges.

We recognise that the Defence enterprise is a strategic national asset, and we are responsible for it.

Just as we raise, train and sustain our military capabilities and our uniformed people, we must also ensure our enterprise can always adapt to our changing strategic environment.

This requires a high-performing One Defence enterprise with a culture that embraces continuous improvement.

Defence must lead the way in clearly demonstrating our ability to deliver our enterprise outcomes, and to provide maximum value to the people of Australia.

This means that we must have the ability to:

  • Learn about our environment, our risks, our opportunities, and our own performance
  • Evolve how we operate our enterprise, support and develop our people, and deepen our partnerships
  • Align our priorities, our processes, our systems, and how we engage and communicate inside and outside Defence, and
  • Deliver the Defence Mission and strategic effects, through our capabilities, our services, and by clearly demonstrating Defence’s value to the nation.

To achieve this ability, we require:

  • A continuous improvement culture, based on our Values and Behaviours, clear accountabilities and trusted information.
  • An enduring system for transforming the Defence enterprise – this will be a continuous process to align resources to priorities, reform activities, opportunities and risks in accordance with our evolving strategy.
  • Priority reform areas of focus, which includes:
    • Driving Improved Capability Delivery.
    • Strengthening Defence’s approach to Australian Industry capability, including innovation, export and harnessing opportunities from Australian science and technology.
    • Adopting a strategic approach to Defence enterprise resilience and supply chain assurance.
    • Improving Defence’s Strategic Workforce Planning, Learning and Management.
    • Instituting an improved enterprise performance measurement and reporting framework.
    • Improving Defence engagement and communications.

The initiatives in this Strategy will help us to work together as One Defence to continuously improve and adapt to face our challenges.

The strategy can be found here:

https://www1.defence.gov.au/about/publications/defence-data-strategy-2021-2023

Or read as an e-book below:

 

 

Exercise Talisman Sabre: Controlling the Airspace

08/18/2021

Exercise Talisman Sabre 2021 (TS21) is the largest bilateral training activity between Australia and the United States.

This year the peak activity was between 18-31 July and will see an increased number of military and civilian air traffic above Townsville.

For the Air Base controllers at Townsville Air Traffic Control, the exercise was  exciting and challenging, as well as a great opportunity to enhance their skills dealing with both foreign and Australian based aircraft.

Held every two years, TS21 aims to test Australian interoperability with the United States and other participating forces in complex warfighting scenarios.

In addition to the United States, TS21 involves participating forces from Canada, Japan, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom.

Australian Department of Defence

July 15, 2021

Indian Air Force Activates Second Rafale Squadron

08/17/2021

By India Strategic

New Delhi. The Indian Air Force formally inducted the omni-role Rafale combat jet, widely described as a “game changer”, into No. 101 Squadron at Air Force Station Hasimara in Eastern Air Command (EAC) on July 28. This is the second squadron to induct the jets.

Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria, the Chief of the Air Staff, presided over the induction ceremony. On arrival, CAS was received by Air Marshal Amit Dev, Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Eastern Air Command. The event also included a fly-past heralding the arrival of Rafale aircraft to Hasimara followed by a traditional water cannon salute.

Addressing the personnel during the induction ceremony, CAS said that the induction of Rafale had been carefully planned at Hasimara; keeping in mind the importance of strengthening IAF’s capability in the Eastern Sector.

Recalling the glorious history of 101 Squadron which bestowed upon them the title of ‘Falcons of Chamb and Akhnoor’, CAS urged the personnel to combine their zeal and commitment with the unmatched potential of the newly inducted platform. He said that he had no doubt that the Squadron would dominate whenever and wherever required and ensure that the adversary would always be intimidated by their sheer presence.

The Squadron was formed on May 1, 1949 at Palam and has operated Harvard, Spitfire, Vampire, Su-7 and MiG-21M aircraft in the past. The glorious history of this Squadron includes active participation in the 1965 and 1971 Indo-Pak wars.

The induction comes almost a year after the IAF operationalised its first squadron of Rafale jets. The induction was made possible with the arrival of three more jets, raising to 26 the 36 planes ordered from the French Dassault Aviation in a Rs 59,000 crore ($9 billion).

The remaining 10 jets are likely to arrive by the end of the year. Of the 36 jets, 30 are fighters and six are trainers.

The first five Rafales had arrived at the frontline Ambala Air Base in north India on July 29, 2020 and were inducted into the IAF – in the No. 17 Squadron, Golden Arrows – by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on September 10 at a ceremony also attended by his French counterpart, Florence Parley. Since then, the remaining jets have been arriving in batches.

“It’s a game-changer and a lesson to our neighbours for the situation they have created on the borders,” Rajnath Singh had declared, terming the induction of the first five jets as a “historic occasion and a matter of pride” for the country.

Air Chief Marshal R.K.S. Bhadauria, the host for the event, said the aircraft have been operational ever since their landing at Ambala and that the induction of Rafales could not have come at a more appropriate time, given the scenario on the borders with tension along both the LAC (Line of Actual Control) with China in Ladakh and on the Line of Control (LOC) with Pakistan in the West.

A 4.5 generation plus, aircraft, the Rafale is armed with beyond visual range missiles like the Meteor, SCALP and MICA, greatly enhancing its capabilities.

Rafale is described by Dassault as an omni-role aircraft, capable of swing roles from Air-to-Air or Air-to-Ground strikes in a single mission. The Rafale is also capable of nuclear strikes and shipboard missions from aircraft carriers.

The IAF had initiated an exercise for acquiring 126 MMRCAs (Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft) in 2007 – the bulk of which were to be manufactured in India under a Transfer of Technology agreement –  and selected the Rafale from among six contenders. However, no deal could be made as somehow, a clause came up that while Hindustan Aeronautics (HAL) would be responsible for integrating and manufacturing 70 per cent of the aircraft at its facilities in India, the responsibility for the quality of production at HAL would be that of the French supplier.

Dassault refused, saying: You make it, you are responsible.

Later, in 2015, Prime Minister Modi’s government rightly cancelled that stalled process, and as the IAF was rapidly falling short of aircraft, decided to acquire 36 Rafales, or two squadrons of 18 each, under a Government-to-Government deal.

The IAF has, meanwhile, a second tender now in place for 114 MMRCAs, single or twin engine, as in the 2007 tender. The IAF needs a combination of 400 aircraft, in a rough ratio of 70:30 for single and twin engines.

Except for the Sukhoi Su-30 MKI, which came in the 1990s, all IAF aircraft are of 1980s vintage, although upgraded. Rafale is the most modern, and contemporary aircraft now in IAF’s inventory.

This article was published by India Strategic in July 2021.

Featured Photo: Air Marshal Amit Dev, AOC in C Eastern Air Command, flies the Rafale along with 101 Sqn CO Gp Capt Neeraj Jhamb during its induction ceremony.

The French Air Evacuation Mission in Afghanistan

08/16/2021

By Pierre Tran

Paris – France is flying out military transport aircraft for an evacuation of French and Afghan nationals out of Kabul, in response to security concerns in Afghanistan, Florence Parly, the French armed forces minister, said Aug. 16.

“Several tens” of French nationals and “Afghans who have given considerable assistance to our forces” will be flown out of Afghanistan, she said on France Info radio, with the first evacuation flight to be completed by the end of the day.

The French air evacuation mission follows the Taliban seizing control of Kabul over the weekend, following a week of swift advance in response to the US military withdrawal from Afghanistan last month.

The U.S. Chinook helicopter flying fleeing diplomats across Kabul evoked the picture of a Huey helicopter on a Saigon rooftop in 1975, the BBC North America editor said.

“It may not be Saigon ’75 but it’s not far off,” he said.

France had called on French nationals to leave Afghanistan in April, in view of the sharply deteriorating security situation, Parly said. Last month, there was a leased civil flight, which meant most French nationals had left the country.

“But there remain several tens of people, particularly our diplomatic staff, who were issuing visas…and those who wanted to get to France,” she said.

There were also administrators and staff of non-government organizations who have worked in Afghanistan for years, and who need to be flown out in a matter of hours, she said.

Air Evacuation

France was sending a military mission comprising a C130 and an A400M transport aircraft to evacuate French nationals, Afghans, and other civilians, in response to the security situation and on order from the president, the armed forces ministry said in an Aug. 15 statement.

President Emmanuel Macron was due to address the nation on television at 8 pm  (local time), such was the gravity of the collapse of the Afghan government. The Afghan president, Ashraf Ghani, fled the stricken nation on Sunday.

The civil part of Kabul airport, some five km from the city, has been closed down by the Taliban, and only the military section was still open, the BBC reported. US and UK troops have been flown into the military part, which allowed flights out for authorized foreign nationals, not Afghans.

The French military transport aircraft took off on Sunday night and Monday morning for the Al Dhafra airbase in the United Arab Emirates, and then flew on to Kabul for the evacuation mission, the ministry said. That will be a joint military mission drawing on personnel based in the UAE, and include “elements of protection,” flights between Kabul airport and Abu Dhabi, and medical support.

The armed forces ministry said it was working closely with the ministry for Europe and foreign affairs. The air force will fly then the evacuees to France on the A330 Phenix multirole tanker transport aircraft, after being received and sheltered at the French base in the UAE.

The government flew back French nationals last month on a leased flight, Parly said, seeking to point out the administration had not waited to the last minute.

The UAE airbase will be effectively be a flight hub, flying out not just French but Afghan nationals, for whom France has a duty of care and will evacuate, she said.

The administration brought to France 1,350 Afghan nationals after the last French troops left Afghanistan in 2014, she said, with a further 600 evacuated between May and July.

France would also do its best to protect Afghans who had worked to support human rights, as well as journalists, artists, and those who supported the values that Paris sought to protect around the world, she said.

Rafale Upgraded for Afghan mission

The Afghan campaign led to France issuing an urgent operational requirement for an air-to-ground strike capability, which brought the Rafale fighter jet to the F2 version. The fighter jet had up to then flown in its F1 air superiority version.

The defense ministry organized an April 2007 press trip to show the Rafale F2 and its newly capable close air support missions for Nato forces. The Rafale and Mirage 2000 were then based at the Dushanbe airbase in neighboring Tajikistan.

The Rafale F2 lacked then its own targeting pod and had to fly with a Mirage 2000D, which carried a targeting pod to direct a GBU-12 smart bomb from the Rafale to its target.

The French forces had also deployed two special operations Caracal helicopters, to back up its ground forces in Afghanistan.

The then president François Hollande pulled out French combat troops by the end of 2012, a year earlier than planned by his predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy. The latter had increased French presence in the Nato campaign in Afghanistan in a bid to get closer to the US.

France had boosted its combat capabilities in the wake of a deadly ambush Aug. 18 2008 which led to the death of 10 soldiers in the Uzbeen valley. That attack led to a deep review of army tactics and despatch of heavy French weapons.

Humiliation for the West

The victory of the Taliban was “a humiliating moment for the west,” Mark Sedwill, a former UK national security adviser, told BBC Radio 4.

Authoritarian nations have a “strategic patience” that the western allies lacked, he added.

Britain was sending 600 more troops to a total 700, to “process” Afghans, aid workers, and journalists to get out of  Afghanistan, he said. British and US military aircraft were flying out evacuees, with more than 1,000 British visa holders due to leave in the next two or three days.

There were 1,000 U.S. soldiers, with a further 5,000 to deploy at the airport, which now served as the site for the U.S. embassy, as staff have left the official building.

Enabling Flexible Basing Across the Combat Chessboard: The Contribution of the CH-53K

As the Marines rework how they are going to shape their way ahead with regard to the joint force and full spectrum crisis management, their ability to operate from seabasses to expeditionary bases to the wider littoral operations is a crucial contribution.

With their Osprey and F-35B capabilities already providing for significant ability to move Marines across the areas of interest from HA/DR to combat operations, the coming of the CH-53K adds significant capability of logistical support to combat Marines.

Recently, NAVAIR released a video showing the progress in the new aircraft operating at night in terms of extending its range via tanking operations.

I had a chance recently to discuss this development with Colonel Jack Perrin, Program Manager, PMA-261, H-53 Heavy Lift Helicopters, Naval Air Systems Command at Patuxent River, Maryland.

In that video, seen below, which was released on July 16, 2021, the CH-53K King Stallion is seen executing night vision goggle helicopter aerial refueling.

And NAVAIR added in its note accompanying the video: “It is the Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations vertical, long-range, heavy-lift, logistic backbone of the Marine Corps, today and for the next fight. Day. Night. All weather.”

When I discussed the progress indicated in the video with Col. Perrin this is what he underscored: “We’ve now gone through and have validated the CH-53K’s performance in helicopter aerial refueling, both day, night, both with and without the external loads. This is extremely significant because now we move a heavy external load and extend our range so that we can really get anywhere that the Marines are going to need heavy lift logistics support within the world.

“I can imagine us taking off from the shipboard environment with a heavy 27,000 pound or more external load and extending our reach because we’re able to aerial refuel along the way, day or night, and deliver those logistics support wherever they need that. For example, we will be able in the PACOM region to reach the outer island chain and operate up and down the chain or the other supporting areas where the U.S. Navy might be operating.”

In my discussions in July 2021 with Lt. Col. Lukas Frank, the head of the VMX-1 CH-53K detachment, he noted that the extended reach of the CH-53K was also facilitated with the automation in the aircraft which makes longer range operations more effective as well.

As Frank put it in that interview: “You have an aircraft that can carry significant supplies or Marines inside and can carry 36,000 pounds externally. They can carry a lot of stuff. It has automated flight control systems that allows you to land in the degraded visual environments that you would not dare land an ECHO or a DELTA in. It can fly long distance without the air crew being fatigued. If you’re aerial refueling and flying 1,000 miles in the E, the air crew would be wet noodles getting out after the flight. In the K you can relax a little, take a breath, allow the aircraft to help you fly and thus reduce aircrew fatigue significantly.

“I think when the necessity for conflict rears its head the K will be able to respond, and using human ingenuity, the operators will be able to find a way to support any mission that the Marine Corps needs it to do. The K is so versatile that I don’t see people being pigeonholed into not being able to do something with a K. I think they’ll be able to answer the call 99.9% of the time.”

In other words, the automation of the aircraft which allows for ease of flight coupled with day-night air refueling capabilities makes longer range for heavy lift possible for Marines.

And these Marines are drawing upon their legacy as the joint forces most mobile and expeditionary force to enhance the ability of the joint force to operate across a combat chessboard.

As Col. Perrin noted: “Not only are flight operations more manageable for the flight crew but we are now safer because of the stability of the aircraft and the fly-by-wire system. One of the notes that we have from the development testing for the night refueling is that it was actually an ITT event, by which we mean that it is both a developmental test pilot and an operational test pilot conducting the test together.

“We have an increased safety margin associated with the 53K in executing its missions. And we can do so with heavier loads and get more performance from leveraging the digital backbone and its ability to work the networks when it’s operating. You’re also reducing the pilot workload and enhancing the safety when you’re flying behind the tanker. Going over long distances, the air crew is not flying their aircraft on altitude and airspeed. The aircraft’s flying itself.”

We then discussed the coming of the CH-53K to the North Carolina-based Marines.

From April through July, I have had the opportunity to spend time with II MEF and 2nd MAW, who are working the challenging transition from the Middle East land wars to European defense. And they are doing so without the benefit have having F-35s in their operating force. Both the II MEF and 2nd MAW commanders explicitly noted how important they saw the CH-53K for them in working that transition as they begin to operate the aircraft in their operating force.

And they are looking to leverage the new aircraft as they evolve their concepts of operations. Interestingly, 2nd MAW will be transitioning to the F-35B in the same time frame as the coming of the CH-53K which will provide an opportunity to think through how the two aircraft can interact in shaping the wing’s concepts of operations.

In discussing this development with Col. Perrin, he underscored the significant interaction which the CH-53K can have with the expeditionary basing capabilities inherent in the F-35B as a S/TOVAL aircraft. He underscored that “we can bring three 800-gallon fuel tanks with us. That’s 2,400 gallons of fuel. This means we can support multiple aircraft with all that fuel.

“That also means that the aircraft can land and get re-armed and receive fuel in a single landing operation at an expeditionary base rather than having to land to get re-armed and do an air-refueling to get fuel.”

During a recent exercise involving 2nd MAW Marines, they worked in Finland and learned how the Finns operated from roads to work in high threat environments. They also worked with the Finns in shaping the Marines own capability to do so. With CH-53K support, such coalition operations could support Marine F-35Bs or coalition aircraft whether it be the Swedish Gripens or the Finn’s F-18s.

And when thinking of expeditionary basing and support, there is another way to look at how to use that other F-35 flown by Marines, namely the F-35C.

That kind of flexibility is crucial as the U.S and its allies work the flexibility and ability necessary to operate across the combat chessboard against peer or near-peer competitors.

During a visit to MAWTS-1 last year, an F-35 pilot, Major Shockley, highlighted the impact of F35-B thinking on base mobility. In my book Training for the High-End Fight, I discussed with him how this thinking might apply to the entire F-35 force and to take advantage of the kind of expeditionary fuel support which the CH-53K could provide.

The F-35As and F-35Cs have some advantages in terms of fuel, and then range and loitering time with regard to the B, notably with regard to the C. Because the force is so inherently integratable, how best to work the chessboard of conflict with regard to where the various F-35 pieces move on the chessboard. From this standpoint, he argued for the importance of shaping a “rolodex of basing locations” where F-35s could land and operate in a crisis.

He had in mind, not only what the very basing flexible B could provide but thinking through deployment of “expeditionary landing gear” to allow the A’s and C’s to operate over a wider range of temporary air bases as well.

Here, he was referring to preparing locations with the gear to enable landing on shorter run “airfields” as well as the kind of modifications the Norwegians have done with their F-35s enabling them to land in winter conditions in the High North as well.

With the F-35B as well, a much wider range of afloat assets are being used to enable the F-35 as a “flying combat system” to operate and enable ISR, C2, and strike capabilities for the joint and coalition force. This is being demonstrated throughout the amphibious fleet, a fleet which can be refocused on sea control and sea denial rather than simply transporting force to the littorals.

A key consideration when highlighting what the F-35 as a wolfpack can bring to the force is deploying in the force multiples that make sense for the force. This rests upon how the combat systems are configured on that force. In simple terms, the integrated CNI systems operate through a multiple layer security system, allowing a four ship F-35 force to operate as one.

With the Block IV software coming into the fleet, now an eight ship F-35 force can operate similarly. This allows for wolfpack operations and with the ability of the reach of the F-35 into other joint or coalition F-35 force packages the data flowing into the F-35 and the C2 going out has a very significant reach and combat impact.

This is not widely known or understood but provides a significant driver of change to being able to operate and prevail in denied combat environments.

Leveraging this capability is critical for combat success for the U.S. and allied forces in the Pacific.

And my visits to NAWDC and MAWTs-1 certainly underscored that these warfighters get that.

CH-53KTM and King StallionTM are trademarks of the Department of the Navy

Featured Photo: U.S. Marines with Marine Operational Test and Evaluation Squadron 1 (VMX-1) extract Marines with Alpha Company, 1st Battalion, 2d Marine Regiment (1/2), 2d Marine Division (MARDIV), from a landing zone in Camp Lejeune, N.C., June 10, 2021. Marines with 1/2 executed an air assault operation in support of VMX-1 to test the capabilities of the CH-53K King Stallion, the U.S. Marine Corps’ newest heavylift helicopter. (U.S. Marine Corps photo by Cpl. Patrick King)

Boxer Live Fire Training

The accuracy and lethality of the Boxer combat reconnaissance vehicle has impressed personnel on a turret conversion course.

After completing several weeks of theory, members of the 2nd/14th Light Horse Regiment finally got their chance to set the sites of the main 30mm armament of the Boxer at the live-fire component of the course at the Wide Bay Training Area.

The Boxer’s primary role will be reconnaissance and counter reconnaissance in stable to high threat environments.

It will replace the Australian Light Armoured Vehicle (ASLAV) which has been in use by the ADF since the 1990s.

Australian Department of Defence

July 21, 2021

Defence of Japan 2021: A Focus On Proactive Defense Efforts With Allies

08/15/2021

By Thomas Wilkins and Daisuke Akimoto

Japan’s new defence white paper, Defense of Japan 2021, affirms Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga’s continuation of his predecessor Shinzo Abe’s proactive contribution to regional peace and security.

Stemming from a desire to counter any trend towards a norm of ‘might is right’ in the region, the white paper must be seen in the context of broader diplomatic efforts by Japan to champion a rules-based order. This is exemplified by its vision for a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’, first introduced in 2016, which has three ‘pillars’: rule of law, economic prosperity, and peace and stability. The 2021 white paper is designed to support each of these objectives.

The new white paper has been warmly received by allies and partners in Washington and Canberra, but has drawn predictable denunciation from Beijing, particularly for its stance on Taiwan and the explicit statement that ‘Taiwan is important for Japan’s security and the stability of the international community’. Xi Jinping’s reiteration of his desire to achieve ‘national reunification’ in his speech at the centenary celebrations of the Chinese Communist Party, along with the US Indo-Pacific Command’s warning that a conflict could break out within the next six years, have alarmed Japanese policymakers.

Noting the shifting military balance in the Taiwan Strait, as well as in the region as a whole, in China’s favour, the white paper states that Japan must ‘pay close attention to the situation with a sense of crisis more than ever before’.

Though Japan has maintained warm, if low-key, relations with Taipei, it has traditionally eschewed overt support for the beleaguered island democracy. The 2021 white paper signals a significant policy change. This comes on top of slightly overwrought comments by Deputy Prime Minister Taro Aso, a long-time supporter of Taiwan, who said that ‘Japan and the US must defend Taiwan together’ if China mounts an invasion of the island. The remarks were later retracted, and both Tokyo and Washington recited their pro forma commitments to the ‘One China’ principle. Nevertheless, it’s clear that the mood in Tokyo, as in Washington, has shifted towards increased support for Taipei, not least because of the sympathies of some of Japan’s policymakers in Japan at present, including not only Aso but also Defence Minister Nobuo Kishi.

The white paper also addresses the related issue of Chinese assertiveness towards Japan directly, backed by ever-expanding military power. Japan bears the brunt of this in the East China Sea in the waters around the Senkaku Islands (claimed by China as the Diaoyudao (and Taiwan as the Diaoyutai)). The document notes that ‘China has relentlessly continued attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by coercion in the sea area around the Senkaku Islands, leading to a grave matter of concern’. Typical of the grey-zone tactics brought to bear in this maritime space are the incessant incursions of China Coast Guard vessels into territorial waters. The white paper expresses consternation at China’s recent coastguard law, which it claims is inconsistent with international law, especially in the authorised use of weapons.

The white paper discusses a range of other ongoing security concerns, with North Korea’s continued nuclear bellicosity salient among them, but also touches on environmental challenges and the response to natural disasters.

But it is more than mere talk. To support Japan’s more proactive role in regional diplomacy and security, the white paper showcases recent developments in Japanese defence technology, especially in the new domains of space, cyberspace and the electromagnetic spectrum. This is backed by defence budget increases for nine years running.

Japan has invested in defence collaboration with other countries for the development of game-changing military technologies, such as artificial intelligence, hypersonic weapons, quantum technology and 5G. Notably, the white paper highlights the development of standoff missile as a strike capability, often described as the ‘Japanese Tomahawk’. Yet, it’s important to stress that in accordance with domestic and international legal frameworks they can’t be used for a pre-emptive strike.

The white paper also recognises that regional security challenges ‘cannot be dealt with by a single country alone’. In addition to a significant effort to better mobilise its defence capabilities and diplomatic strengths, key to Japan’s regional posture is the support of other significant players in the region. The longstanding alliance with the US, which Japan is actively strengthening, provides a major fillip, due not only to the military power and influence it carries, but also to the diplomatic support that the US has afforded to Tokyo through its own adoption of the principle of a free and open Indo-Pacific.

Australia, too, has been a de facto supporter of this principle, and Canberra’s ‘special strategic partnership’ with Tokyo continues to be augmented. The Japanese ambassador to Australia, Shingo Yamagami, recently made overtures to Canberra about engaging Australian support for Japan’s predicament in the East China Sea. India is another country that Japan looks to in its bid to uphold the regional order, and the partnering process is brought together in the alignment of the four countries through the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue.

Criticism of the new white paper has been quick to emerge, with Beijing diplomatic and media outlets seizing on the Taiwan statements. Criticism has also extended to the presentation of the document, particularly the decision to put a ‘warlike’ image of an equestrian samurai on the cover, perhaps in a bid to resurrect perceptions of Japan’s prior militarism.

Nevertheless, as a response to the intensifying strategic competition in the region and Japan’s perception that its security environment is further deteriorating, the white paper provides firm evidence of the Suga administration’s determination to uphold national interests and the regional rules-based order through a combination of proactive diplomacy, internal mobilisation and enhanced collaboration with allies and partners.

Thomas Wilkins is a senior lecturer in the Department of Government and International Relations at the University of Sydney and a senior research fellow at the Japan Institute for International Affairs. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of JIIA. Daisuke Akimoto is an official secretary in Japan’s House of Representatives and a former assistant professor at the Soka University Peace Research Institute. His views are his own and do not represent the official position of the House of Representatives or the Japanese government.

This article was published by ASPI on July 29, 2021.