Japan’s Ministry of Defence: “Free and Open-Pacific (FOIP)

11/13/2020

According to the Japanese Ministry of Defence:

A free and open maritime order, which relies on the rule of law, is the foundation for the stability and prosperity of the international community.

As the Indo-Pacific region is the core of the world’s vitality supporting more than half the world’s population, it is especially vital for global stability and prosperity to realize the stable and autonomous development of this region.

At the same time, there are a number of challenges existing in the region, including in Japan’s vicinity, such as the rapid modernization of military forces and intensification of military activities.

In light of this situation, the Ministry of Defense/Japan Self-Defense Forces (MOD/JSDF) clearly states in the National Defense Program Guidelines (2018) that, “In line with the vision of free and open Indo-Pacific, Japan will strategically promote multifaceted and multilayered security cooperation, taking into account characteristics and situation specific to each region and country.

As part of such efforts, Japan will actively leverage its defense capability to work on defense cooperation and exchanges which include joint training and exercises, defense equipment and technology cooperation, capacity building assistance, and interchanges among military branches. The MOD/JSDF therefore aims to create a security environment favorable to Japan, through efforts to: (1) ensure the stable use of major sea lanes through defense cooperation and exchanges, (2) prevent contingencies through confidence building and mutual understanding, and (3) contribute to the peace and stability through activities in the region in cooperation with partner countries.

indo_pacific_e

 

The Way Ahead for French Defense? A French Parliamentary Report Raises Significant Questions

11/12/2020

By Pierre Tran

Dateline Paris.

A scathing parliamentary report on the draft 2021 defense budget pointed up  an imbalance of political power, with the executive arm withholding information from the legislature, while enjoying an exclusive right to approve the bill virtually unchanged.

“Not only is the budgetary initiative a monopoly of the executive arm, but the capacity for members of parliament and senators to amend the text is doubly limited…” said the special report, drafted by parliamentarian François Cornut-Gentille, who sits on the finance committee of the lower house National Assembly.

Article 40 of the constitution and the parliamentary majority effectively prevented amendment of the bill, the 370-page report said.

The government showed a lack of willingness to open the debate and communicate to the public through parliament, the report said.

No prime minister has spoken to parliament on the draft budget since 1992.

“Your rapporteur is surprised by the propensity of the armed forces ministry to limit the publicity of answers to written questions, which defies all logic,” the report said.

There was lack of disclosure on the A400M transport plane and Tiger attack helicopter, with the information taking on a significance which was all but incomprehensible.

The wide-ranging report urged a thorough rethink, calling on the government to take a broader view of a strategic industrial and technology base rather than purely defense.

That strategic approach highlighted the sovereignty issue, with the report calling for a French rescue plan for Photonis and Souriau, small companies which have been put up for sale and attracted attention from acquisitive U.S. companies.

Photonis is a specialist in night vision, while Souriau builds plugs for cable network connectivity.

Meanwhile, the ministry has created a post of spokesperson, which has been published in the official journal. That senior press officer will have a basic salary of €90,781-€118,725 ($106,766-€139,639), depending on experience, plus a variable part of pay, Mammoth, a defense blog, reported Nov. 1.

That post sparked media interest as press relations with the office of the the armed forces minister, Florence Parly, have been strained, particularly over the coronavirus crisis.

The favored candidate was  Hervé Grandjean, Parly’s industrial adviser, afternoon daily Le Monde reported.

Budget Crisis

The parliamentary report gave a detailed financial account of major arms programs — noting there were gaps due to lack of information from the defense ministry — while raising a warning flag over the fiscal impact of the pandemic on the 2022 military budget.

A planned sale of 20 Rafale fighter jets to Greece has set off budgetary alarm bells.

France will order 12 Rafales from Dassault Aviation to replace that number of aircraft to be taken from the air force to supply Greece.

The remaining eight will be new aircraft.

The government will need to find more than €1 billion to fund that procurement for the French air force, as that had not been written into the multi-year military budget law.

That would be a good opportunity for the government to revise the budget law, Cornut-Gentille told Nov. 4 the Association des Journalistes de Defense, a press club, Challenges business magazine reported.

The defense budget was due to rise €1.7 billion in respectively 2021 and 2022, with the funding to rise €3 billion in respectively 2023, 2024 and 2025 under the 2019-25 military budget law.

But that planned increase was highly unlikely in the wake of the economic decline sparked by the pandemic.

“Steps of €3 billion per year is unprecedented, from any minister,” Cornut-Gentille said. There will be tough budgetary decisions and it will questionable whether that spending can be maintained.

The report called for a complete rethink of future spending.

The French commitment to spend two percent of gross domestic product on the military is clearly “obsolete,” the report said, quoting Françoise Dumas, chairwoman of the National Assembly defense committee.

A Damocles sword hangs over the services, the report said.

“Everyone should know that the defense spending in 2024 and 2025 is not defined in absolute terms but as a percentage of GDP (two percent),” the report said.

“In the present state of the French economy, that indicates that the services will see their funding fall, undoing the effort of previous years.”

On the lack of preparation for the COVID 19 crisis, the report pointed up the 2008 defense white paper referred to pandemic and epidemic respectively 15 and six times, while the 2013 white paper referred respectively seven times and twice.

The 2017 strategic review for defense and national security failed to refer to pandemic, and referred to epidemics twice.

Those official reports set the background for drafting the defense budget.

The photo of parliamentarian François Cornut-Gentille was taken from the following source:

https://www.latribune.fr/entreprises-finance/industrie/aeronautique-defense/20141105trib1ecf53b05/la-question-de-la-sincerite-du-budget-de-la-defense-se-pose-francois-cornut-gentille-ump.html

The USAF and RAAF Training Partnership on the F-35

By Airman 1st Class Brooke Moeder, 56th Fighter Wing Public Affairs

The Royal Australian Air Force returned a majority of its F-35A Lightning II pilots, maintainers and aircraft to RAAF Base Williamtown, Australia, in December 2019, but still maintains a joint pilot-training and maintenance presence at Luke AFB.

RAAF Maj. Christopher Baker, 61st Fighter Squadron instructor pilot and graduate of the F-35A pilot training program at Luke AFB, attests to the importance of the training partnership between the U.S. Air Force and the RAAF. He explained it is extremely rewarding to reinvest and train both nationalities in the same aircraft with the same tactics.

“I feel like we contribute something to the U.S. Air Force training mission by bringing our own unique perspectives, configuration, roles and environments to the mission, just like the U.S. Air Force mission brings that to us as well,” Baker said. “I think that’s what’s really useful about it being combined.”

According to U.S. Air Force Lt. Col. Tom Hayes, 61st FS commander, three components enable the successful integration of the RAAF and the U.S. Air Force: the platform, common tactics and the objective of training the world’s most capable fighter pilots.

“Other than the way the aircraft is painted, they’re all exactly the same, so we have that common platform of flying the F-35,” Hayes said. “The common tactic is sharing the same training strategies between the RAAF and the U.S. Air Force.”

Baker said the COVID-19 delayed some of the RAAF student pilot training but the student pilots are determined to complete their requirements swiftly and efficiently.

“I am continually amazed at how the students learn so quickly,” Baker said. “They come in the door knowing very little or nothing about the F-35 and four or five months later, they’re flying high-end large force-employment exercise missions with multiple aircraft involved in a dense surface-to-air missile threat scenario.”

The chances of the RAAF and the U.S. Air Force working together in a deployed environment is very likely according to Baker.

“Most of the Australian pilots that have come through here at Luke (AFB) have worked with the U.S. Air Force before in the Middle East,” Baker said. “I don’t think you’d meet many RAAF or U.S. Air Force pilots that haven’t interacted with each other before in some capacity, either operationally or in an exercise somewhere.”

The RAAF and U.S. Air Force student pilots complete the same nine-month undergraduate training course where pilots learn how to operate and employ the F-35. Australian and U.S. instructor pilots lead the training during courses, said Hayes.

“Our mission, which aligns with the 61st mission, is to train the world’s most capable fighter pilots,” Baker said. “For Australia, we train pilots and maintainers here at Luke (AFB). We will continue beyond the end of 2020 to use Luke (AFB) as a staging ground for jet deliveries to be brought back to Australia.”

The maintenance training concluded in early 2020 due to COVID-19, although pilot training will continue to December 2020.

Baker explained that the RAAF established one operational and one training F-35A squadron at RAAF Base Williamtown and plans to establish another operational squadron in January 2021. As of October 2020, five RAAF F-35s are assigned to the 61st FS. The first F-35 was delivered to RAAF Base Williamtown in 2018 and the 30th F-35 is scheduled to return to Australia by December 2020. Seventy-two F-35s are ordered and the last one is projected to be delivered to Australia by 2024.

Baker said the RAAF is aiming to declare Initial Operational Capability – when a capability achieves its minimum threshold to support operations – by December 2020, ahead of the timeline. The RAAF’s first B-course for student pilot training is scheduled to launch in January 2021 and will be taught by instructor pilots who trained at Luke AFB.

In 2019, 34 fighter pilots were assigned to the 61st Fighter Squadron and 17 were RAAF pilots. As of October 2020, there are five RAAF instructor pilots, seven student pilots and two maintainers who continue to execute the joint training partnership mission.

Hayes says that Luke AFB will continue to maintain an alliance with the RAAF in the future through exchange programs.

“To be able to keep those formal connections, we’re heavily looking into exchange programs where we’re actively trying to get one of our pilots to get an exchange assignment at RAAF Base Williamtown,” Hayes said. “They would serve over there for two or three years, just like we have exchange assignments with other partners. The Air Force Personnel Center is actively seeking applications to send.”

The joint pilot-training at Luke AFB makes RAAF’s F-35 mission fully operational in Australia.

“It’s more than we just wear the same patches,” Hayes said. “There’s a deeper meaning to what this partnership does here at Luke (AFB) and it has strategic level implications.”

The featured photo: Royal Australian Air Force Maj. Christopher Baker, 61st Fighter Squadron instructor pilot, and U.S. Air Force Lt. Col. Tom Hayes, 61st FS commander, pose for a photo Sept. 9, 2020, at Luke Air Force Base, Ariz. The U.S. Air Force has been strengthening alliances and partnerships by training F-35A Lightning II fighter pilots alongside the RAAF since 2014. All RAAF personnel are scheduled to return to RAAF Base Williamtown, Australia, by December 2020. The first B-course for the student pilots at RAAF Base Williamtown is projected to launch in January 2021 and will be taught by instructor pilots that trained at Luke AFB. (U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Brooke Moeder)

This article was published by the USAF on October 17, 2020.

 

Royal Australian Navy Task Force for Mine Warfare and Clearance Diving

11/10/2020

The Royal Australian Navy is certifying a standing Task Group dedicated to Mine Warfare and Clearance Diving.

The Mine Warfare and Clearance Diving Task Group (MCDTG) is a deployable staff capable of planning and executing Mine Warfare operations using units from Navy’s Mine Warfare, Clearance Diving, Hydrographic, Meteorological and Patrol Force.

The MCDTG was certified following a successful two-week exercise including approximately 150 personnel across the Mine Hunters HMA Ships Gascoyne, Huon and Yarra and Clearance Dive Team One operating in Jervis Bay, and a headquarters staff working ashore at HMAS Albatross.

Australian Department of Defence

October 27, 2020

 

The 10th Anniversary of the Lancaster House Agreements: The Future of the Franco-British Defense Relationship

11/09/2020

With the coming of Brexit and the continuing challenges to sort out the relationship with the Continent, a key question is how the two most significant defense players in Europe, France and Britain, will sort out their relationship going forward.

We discuss this at some length in our new book on European defense, and clearly the Lancaster House agreements signed 10 years ago this year are important in this regard.

As Murielle Delaporte noted in the book: “The Lancaster House Treaties are one of the children born from the Anglo-French honeymoon of the early 2010s, concluded between Prime Minister Cameron and French President Sarkozy after the French decision to rejoin NATO. A year later, the intervention in Libya was a live test of the determination and ability of an Anglo-French-led joint air operation with President Obama’s America, then “leading from behind.” From a strictly military perspective and the standpoint of the Anglo-French military relations, it is a landmark in the conduct of joint air operations within a coalition.”

Recently, the UK Ministry of Defence highlighted the 10th Anniversary with an article published on November 2, 2020:

Ten years ago, the UK and France signed treaties at Lancaster House on defence and security, and on nuclear cooperation. This historic commitment has helped establish a long-term partnership and provides a framework for a joint response when mutual interests are at stake.

One of the key goals of the treaties was to establish the Combined Joint Expeditionary Force (CJEF) combining two of the world’s strongest militaries to tackle shared threats. The force has reached full operating capacity and can now rapidly deploy over 10,000 personnel in response to a crisis to fulfil a range of tasks including high intensity operations, peacekeeping, disaster relief or humanitarian assistance.

As part of CJEF training, this week British and French paratroopers will come together for Exercise Wessex Storm on Salisbury Plain. This sees soldiers from the French 2e Regiment Etranger de Parachutistes (2e REP) attached to the 2 PARA Battlegroup. Both units regularly train together to maintain their partnership so they are ready to deploy alongside each other.

Defence Secretary Ben Wallace said:

“Today, the UK and France face a range of security threats of increasing scale and complexity. Having a highly capable, high readiness force is essential if we are to protect both UK security and the security of our NATO allies.

“It is testament to our close defence relationship that we have achieved all the milestones set out in the Lancaster House treaties 10 years ago, working together to protect our mutual interests.”

As part of the Lancaster House treaties a number of other 10-year goals were set alongside establishing CJEF. These included building a joint nuclear facility, increasing cooperation around the aircraft carriers and developing the UK and French complex weapons sectors. All of these goals have been achieved within the 10 year time frame set by the agreements and will be taken forward further as both nations look to build on the existing work.

The UK and France are deployed around the world together in places such as the Middle East to combat Daesh and Estonia as part of NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence. In Mali 3 RAF Chinooks and 100 UK personnel are deployed in a non-combat role in support of French counter-extremist operations.

The UK will continue to cooperate with our European partners in the future following the UK’s departure from the EU. We will continue to be a key player in Euro-Atlantic security and defence through our leadership in NATO, which will always be central to the UK’s security, our values and our place in the world.

Joint declaration of the French Minister for the Armed forces and the British Secretary of State for Defence for the 10th anniversary of Lancaster House

On November 2, 2010, France and the United Kingdom (UK) signed the Lancaster House Treaties establishing a long-term bilateral nuclear, defence and security partnership. We mark their continuing importance to both our countries today, on their tenth anniversary. In the face of the changing defence and security challenges we both face, the United Kingdom and France share a strong and deep defence partnership, with a permanent and comprehensive dialogue on defence and security issues at all levels and a shared desire to increase ambition across the relationship. Since 1995, France and the United Kingdom, Europe’s only nuclear powers, have clearly stated that they can imagine no circumstances under which a threat to the vital interests of one would not constitute a threat to the vital interests of the other.

The high level of mutual trust is illustrated by our daily and unprecedented defence cooperation. We are leaders in security and defence. Our two nations invest nearly 40% of the defence budget of European Allies, and more than 50% of the European spending on research and technology. We are proud of our Armed Forces and on this important anniversary we pay tribute to all they accomplish together. We will continue to work alongside each other, through NATO, and in other fora such as the European Intervention Initiative, to address those common challenges and strengthen our collective defence and security.

Over the last ten years our armed forces have worked together to deliver the closer integration envisaged in 2010. We are delighted to announce today that the Combined Joint Expeditionary Force (CJEF) we committed then to develop has now reached full operating capability . This represents the successful conclusion of an extended 10-year programme of development and training. Our Armed Forces are now closer and more interoperable than they have ever been.

As a result, we have at our disposal a flexible tool through which we can deploy up to 10,000 or more soldiers, sailors and airmen together on missions covering the full range of operations, from providing help after natural disasters to the most complex high-intensity combat operations. This capability is a unique European contribution to wider Euro-Atlantic security. And we are not resting on our laurels. We are taking forward a programme to consolidate and adapt what we have achieved to ensure it remains fitted to the changing environment, including in areas such as CIS, cyber, space, intelligence sharing and information management. We will also use the CJEF framework to improve further the interoperability of our Armed Forces’ future equipment, logistics, engineering, medical and energy systems.

But CJEF is not and will not be the only way we operate with each other. Our people continue to work together almost continuously in different theatres in many ways. The ability to conduct combined military operations remains a fundamental goal. At the moment our armed forces are engaged together in the Levant against Daesh in operations Chammal and Shader as part of the international Coalition.

UK personnel have been directly supporting France’s operation Barkhane in the Sahel since 2018 with the deployment of three CH-47 Chinook heavy lift helicopters to Mali. French forces have supported the UK-led NATO enhanced Forward Presence deployment in Estonia and we have both contributed to NATO’s air policing missions. Our Air Forces work together daily to protect our airspace against incursions or terrorist attacks. Our Navies work closely, bilaterally and through NATO, on maritime security in the Northern Atlantic and the High-North. When possible we have coordinated and supported each other’s maritime deployments further afield, in the Gulf and Indo-Pacific, and we are working to develop this further.

Ten years ago we also set out our goal to have, by the early 2020s, the ability to deploy a UK-French integrated carrier strike group incorporating assets owned by both nations. Since then UK ships and personnel have regularly supported deployments by France’s Charles de Gaulle, and the Marine Nationale has supported the Royal Navy’s work to sustain UK carrier operating skills and experience. We look forward to HMS Queen Elizabeth working with Charles de Gaulle next year for the first time and to bringing this cooperation to the new level of mutual support and engagement envisaged in the coming years.

Alongside this continuing military and operational cooperation, we continue to work together to deliver new capabilities and equipment. Ten years ago we agreed to take forward a strategy for the British and French Complex Weapons sector, “One Complex Weapons”, working towards a single European prime contractor, underpinned by a series of joint Complex Weapons projects.

Cooperation on missiles remains at the core of our armament cooperation.

In particular:

  • the joint Sea Venom anti-surface missile project we anticipated then will soon be entering UK service;
  • working with MBDA we have created joint Centres of Excellence on specific technologies in the UK and France reflecting the principle of mutual interdependence, helping us share information more effectively and deliver efficiencies;
  • and we have made good progress with the joint concept phase for the flagship Future Cruise/Anti-Ship Weapon (FC/ASW) project and will now be conducting our respective national project scrutiny and approval processes over the winter in advance of a decision on a follow-on joint assessment phase in 2021.

The depth of our cooperation allows us to share our missiles roadmaps and operational requirements at the earliest stages, with the objectives to examine whether synergies can be found and to analyse whether a future rationalisation of our respective missiles portfolio would be relevant and cost-effective for both parties.

The export mechanisms set in the One Complex Weapons intergovernmental agreement have proven effective and there are options for further works in this domain. Likewise, managing exchange of national sensitive information is an increasingly important element in our cooperation.

Hence, we renew today our commitment in addressing any issues that might arise due to their direct impact regarding the programme performance, efficiency and cost.

The continuing health of MBDA as the primary European Complex Weapons company testifies to our overall success in this area, and we are now developing a Joint Vision to shape deeper cooperation in the next decade.

Our joint Maritime Mine Counter Measures (MMCM) project has made significant progress in developing a world-leading autonomous mine hunting system. Sea trials conducted on the French and British coasts in 2020 have proved the autonomous vehicles’ capability to hunt sea mines. The production contract will be signed later in November and the first operational capabilities will be delivered in 2022. We also continue to work together on Future Combat Air technology, and are considering the scope to work together in other areas in advance of the next UK-French Summit in 2021.

We also continue to make progress under the Teutates Treaty we signed in 2010 with the delivery of the joint nuclear facility at Valduc in France to model performance of our nuclear warheads and materials to secure their long-term viability, security and safety, supported by a joint Technology Demonstration Centre at Aldermaston.

Ten years on from Lancaster House, our Armed Forces are better able to operate together around the world when we ask them to do so than they have ever been. Now we must take this work forward.

We commit to building on the achievements of the first ten years of the Lancaster House accords in the decade to come – including at the UK-France Summit in 2021. Thus, France and the UK will continue to consult each other closely and at all levels on key international defence and security matters.

Only the preservation of a deep and ambitious bilateral cooperation will allow our two Nations to provide an appropriate response to the current and future threats and challenges.

Our book highlights what we see as the way ahead:

The UK and French political leadership have been clear about the importance of enhancing their bilateral relationship as the most significant military powers in Europe. British authorities have repeatedly gone out of their way to stress that the UK still belongs to the European continent and remains fully committed to its defense. It’s this separation between national security and foreign relations that many observers have missed.

Many of them are however worried that with the divorce between the UK and the EU, bitterness and tensions—as well as the potential cost and time involved—could drive the British Isles more inward and away from Brussels: a risk, which could lead to a decoupling that only Moscow would value. Many signs are pointing in that direction, as the post-Brexit agreement is not being negotiated very smoothly on either side. But like in any divorce, the hope is to preserve the fruits of the union past, and, in the case of the subject of this chapter, there are many such fruits.

The book can be bought through our website:

The book is available as of October 28, 2020 on Amazon in an e-book version.

The paperback version will be released on December 22, 2020.

Over the next few weeks, the book will be available on a wide range of book sellers as well but the following are offering the e-book now but the paperback on release date: SCRIBD, KOBO, ESENTRAL, and CIANDO.

 

 

F18 Crew Training

Strike Fighter Squadron (VFA) 106 Commander Dan Catlin and instructor pilot Lt. Kieran Sexton explain the the vital role VFA-106 plays in training freshly minted F-18 aircrew and preparing them for fleet service.

VFA-106 is stationed aboard Naval Air Station Oceanna, Virginia Beach, Va.

NAVAL AIR STATION OCEANNA, VA, UNITED STATES

10.01.2020

Video by Matthew Callahan

Defense Media Activity – Navy Production

Israeli Defense After the Abraham Accords: Expanding Area of Sea Control

11/08/2020

By Robbin Laird

With the new Abraham accords, the collaborative opportunities for the IDF with GCC partners are clearly expanded.

At the same time, the range of security control necessary to protect the shift in the transit of energy supplies is significant and requires new capabilities and new approaches to operating the IDF to do so.

Next month, the first of four new German-built ships for Israel will arrive for final outfitting prior to become operational.

In 2015, Israel ordered the new corvettes with the intention of expanding its sea control to provide for protection for the expanding natural gas pipelines to support the Israeli economy.

The Abraham Accords are expanding the transit routes crucial now both to the GCC and Israel and will undoubtedly entail joint security and defense operations to provide for protection of the sea areas significant for maritime and energy transit.

In other words, the new ships were ordered before the Abraham Accords, but those agreements reinforces the wisdom of doing so.

They will become part of enhancing IDF capabilities and will contribute to reshaping doctrine to develop maneuver forces in support of Israeli interests in the region.

As Tamar Beeri noted in a November 4, 2020 article in  The Jerusalem Post:

“As the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) spans over a far larger space than the land of Israel as a whole, the Sa’ar 6 allows the Navy to dominate a larger space and provide a protective shield around Israel’s borders.

“In addition, the ship is capable of staying out at sea for an extended period of time in order to provide a more extensive period of protection in the more vulnerable regions of the EEZ.”

The ships are fitted with Israeli and U.S. combat systems.

According to Rear Admiral Eyal Harel, head of IDF naval operations:  “It’s a larger vessel with advanced and hi-tech systems along with long-range missiles, air-to-air, surface, and sea-to-air missiles.

“The radar is bigger and more advanced than what is on the Sa’ar 5.

“With a further range, you can operate the Sa’ar 6 in open seas and in rough sea conditions.”

The ships will operate as flagships for the Israeli Navy and will be key platforms in protecting the EEZ and the gas platforms in the Mediterranean Sea.

The ship is designed to plug and play with other IDF systems, which would allow the ship to fit into an integratable force for air-sea and potential support to land insertion forces as well.

The integratable nature of the Sa’ar 6 was emphasized in a recent briefing by a senior IDF official.

“The Sa’ar 6 has an enormous radar so it can be a standalone unit.

“Abilities and probability of protection increases, as it is connected to Iron Dome, David’s Sling and other air defense.

“If it detects threats, it can transfer data to land networks to engage targets.”

In other words, the ships will provide a good compliment to the IDF as the IDF considers new capabilities, for targeted insertion force operations.

Such a force could be built in part by adding a new lift platform such as the such as the CH-53K to an extended range insertion force.

Also, see the following:

Israeli Defense After the Abraham Accords: Dealing with the Iranian Threat

Dynamics of Change for Israeli Defense After the Abraham Accords