“The Sky Is The Limit”: Renewing France’s Space Capabilities

01/21/2019

By Murielle Delaporte

When the French minister of the armed forces, Florence Parly, visited the heart of space technology in Toulouse last September, she stressed how much space has become over the past years a key domain for national security.

She noted that the Russian satellite Luch-Olymp had recently been engaged in not such a friendly action against Italian satellite Athena-Fidus, upon which French war against terrorism in Sub Saharan Africa relies in part.

“Yes, we are at risk.

Our communications, our military manoeuvers as well as our daily life are jeopardized if we do not react,” she said.

She also confirmed  that a working group had been tasked to prepare a new space strategy for France with a clear mandate : “ne vous interdisez rien!” which can be translated as “The sky is the limit.”

September is the month when the first of three third generation very high resolution optical observation satellites was delivered.

After six weeks of preparation in Kourou European Spaceport in French Guyana, it was successfully launched on a Soyuz launcher on December 19th.

This marks the beginning of a renewal of capabilities for France, and Europe as a whole, initiated in 2010, but which had been delayed by lack of investments and lack of a sense of urgency.

Indeed the military Earth observation “CSO ” satellites (CSO stands for  “Composante spatiale optique : are part of the MUSIS (Multinational Space-based Imaging System) program and are meant to replace Helios satellites.

As a reminder, Helios I was a product of a cooperation between France, Italy and Spain with a 2007 agreement granting access to imagery to the European Union (EU).

The second generation Helios II was enlarged to Belgium and Greece, while a similar agreement was signed in 2008 with the EU.

In addition, bilateral exchange  access agreements were signed between France and Italy – Helios II vs the Italian radar satellite Cosmo-Skymed (CSK) – and between France and Germany – Helios II vs the German radar satellite SAR-Lupe.

As far as CSO satellites are concerned, bilateral agreements have been signed in 2015 with Germany (SARha is to succeed to SAR-Lupe) and Sweden, as well as with Belgium and soon with Italy (CSG is to succeed CSK).

New European commitments and investments in 2015 – especially from Germany – allowed the planning for more than one CSO satellite. The goal is of course to boost a “Defense Space Europe” (“Europe spatiale de la defense”) and not only European space capabilities, the same way a true Defense of Europe is currently being revived in part as a response to President Trump’s push for a better burden-sharing in NATO.

A renewed sense of the need for sovereignty, autonomy and a resilient industrial base not seen in Europe since the end of the Cold War is indeed acting as a catalyzer so that the “best of Europe working together”, as Nicolas Chamussy, Executive vice-president of Space Systems of Airbus Defence & Space, refers to it, can thrive.

In the case of CSO, the French procurement agency DGA (Direction générale de l’armement) runs the program along with CNES, while Airbus Defence & Space, Thales Alenia Space, Thales Services, OHB (Orbitale Hochtechnologie Bremen), Capgemini and Arianespace are involved on the industrial side of things.

As Helios II was used for the needs of  “EUROFOR Chad” and as coordinated satellite-based targeting capabilities were at the heart of last April’s joint operation between the United States, the United Kingdom and France against Syria over its suspected chemical weapons attack, the need to bring European space capabilities up to date to be able to keep conducting military operations has been highlighted.

Increased accuracy and reduced revisiting time are enhanced with the recent CSO’s launching.

The fear of being left out from an ongoing space rivalries involving Russia, China and the United States as well as the necessity to protect what has become a key to today’s way of life – connecting to a phone, a computer, or running a GPS require the helps of 10 to 40 satellites per person every day in France alone! – have therefore lead the Macron government to accelerate the funding of a true XXIthcentury space policy.

Already doubled between 2008 and 2014 with 600 million Euros, the procurement budget for space is to reach 3.6 billion Euros in the next 2019-2025 Program Law.

Three more intelligence satellites are planned for 2020 and two more telecommunication satellites should be launched between 2020 and 2022.

The new French space strategy is focused on ways to enhance the resilience of French and European space assets and play in the same domain as the big powers, since any military strategy, and any future asset (whether Scorpion for the French Army or SCAF for the French Air Force) is fully dependable on space-based connectivity.

For the French Chief of staff of the Air Force, who took office last summer, that strategy is threefold:

  • Reinforce the French space detection capacity
  • Being able to identify and characterize a potential threat (i.e. improve SSA or Space Situational Awareness capabilities in particular through a space-based direct monitoring of space)
  • Propose solutions to avoid or respond to such threats.

In the opening speech of the 12th RACAM conference – a yearly meeting between French civilian and military aviation authorities – last October, General Philippe Lavigne referred to British Field Marshal Montgomery’s famous quote “if we lose the war in the air, we lose the war and we lose it quickly” to stress the importance of reinforcing the resilience of European space capabilities.

Enhancing the resilience of European space capabilities is indeed essential at two levels:
– first, in terms of sovereignty of the « Old Continent »;
– and second, as a crucial contribution to NATO’s future ability to resist increasing aggressive behaviors from adversaries in space and to monitor the growing activity of an ever larger number of players both public and private.

The featured photo shows a French CSO-1 reconnaissance satellite launching on a Russian-built Soyuz rocket on December 19, 2018.

*** A version of this article was first published by Breaking Defense on January 3, 2019.

Soyuz at the Guiana Space Centre is described by Wikipedia as follows:

Soyuz at the Guiana Space Centre (also known as Soyuz at CSG or Arianespace Soyuz) is an ongoing ESAprogramme for operating Soyuz-ST launch vehicles from Guiana Space Centre (CSG), providing medium-size launch capability for Arianespace to accompany the light Vega and heavy-lift Ariane 5

The Soyuz vehicle is supplied by the Russian Federal Space Agency with TsSKB-Progress and NPO Lavochkin, while additional components are supplied by Airbus,  Thales Group and RUAG.

The Arianespace Soyuz project was announced by the ESA in 2002. Cooperation with Russia began in two areas: construction of a launch site for Soyuz in CSG and development of the Soyuz launch vehicle modified for the Guiana Space Centre. A Programme Declaration was signed in 2003 and funding along with final approval was granted on 4 February 2005.

Initial excavation for the Ensemble de Lancement Soyouz (ELS; Soyuz Launch Complex) began in 2005, construction started in 2007, and the launch complex was completed in early 2011, allowing Arianespace to offer launch services on the modified Soyuz ST-B to its clients.

Two early flights, VS02 and VS04, and a recent flight, VS17, used the Soyuz ST-A variant.

Since 2011, Arianespace has ordered a total of 23 Soyuz rockets, enough to cover its needs until 2019 at a pace of three to four launches per year.

Soyuz-Flyer-Oct2015

 

Algerian Kilo Class Submarines

By defenceWeb

The Algerian Navy has commissioned into service two new Kilo class submarines delivered from Russia, the Ouarsenis and Hoggar.

The vessels were commissioned on 9 January at the Mers El Kebir naval base in Oran by the Deputy Minister of National Defence, Chief of Staff of the National Popular Army, Lieutenant General Ahmed Gaid Salah.

Ouarsenis (031) and Hoggar (032) are part of a 2013/2014 order for two new Project 636 Varshavyanka (Kilo class) vessels from Russia.

It is believed the first vessel arrived in Algeria around mid-2018 and the second (032) in December after completing a transit from the Admiralty Shipyard near St Petersburg, which it left around 26 November.

Algeria in 2006 ordered two Project-636E (Kilo) submarines in a $400 million deal.

These were delivered in 2010 and jointed two Project 877EKM Kilo diesel electric submarines, which Algeria received in 1987-1988. The latter two were upgraded by Russian shipyards.

In 2014 Algeria ordered another two Project-636E submarines for delivery around 2018. Also ordered were TEST-71 torpedoes, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

The Project-636 Varshavyanka (Kilo) class is mainly intended for anti-shipping and anti-submarine operations in relatively shallow waters.

The tear-drop hulled submarine is 72.6m long, 9.9m wide and can dive to 300 meters. The design has a displacement of 3 076 tons. Underwater, it reportedly has a speed of up to 25 knots.

The complement is 52 and the submarine has an endurance of 45 days.

The boat is fitted with six 533 mm torpedo tubes and carries up to 18 homing or wire-guided torpedoes, or 24 AM-1 mines.

The type can also be fitted with four Kalibr cruise missiles.

The outer hull is covered with sound damping tiles and its machinery as well as design is regarded as very quiet.

Designed by the Rubin Central Maritime Design Bureau of St Petersburg, the type entered service in 1982.

The type was originally built at the Komsomolsk shipyard and lately by the Admiralty Shipyard in St Petersburg. It is in service with the navies of Russia, China, Vietnam, Iran, India and Poland, among others.

Some 50 have been built.

Algeria has apparently also ordered two additional Kilo 877EKM vessels, for delivery in 2020-2022.

This article was first published by defenceWeb on January 10, 2019.

 

Rafales in Reunion for Training

01/20/2019

By Guy Martin

The French Air Force has sent two Dassault Rafale fighter jets to the island of Reunion for training.

The aircraft landed at Gillot Air Force Base on 14 January after a 13 hour flight.

They were accompanied by a C-135FR aerial refueling tanker.

They were due to be joined by an Airbus A330 Multi-Role Tanker Transport (MRTT) aircraft in its first visit to Reunion.

The MRTT is replacing the C-135FRs in service with the French Air Force and the arrival and training around Reunion is part of this process. Training was due to last for a week and also include monitoring French territories in the Indian Ocean in support of FAZSOI, the French military presence in the region.

Rafales have previously been deployed to Reunion – the type landed on the island for the first time on 22 April 2014, again accompanied by a C-135FR tanker.

They were refueled five times in their journey from France.

This article was first published by defenceWeb on January 17, 2019.

Shaping the Kill Web: The Impact on Designing the USN Fleet

By Ed Timperlake

There is a great US Navy quip about a surface combatant : “Captain we are underway with no way on.”

This saying is essentially reporting that the ship is trying to go forward but it is stopped by currents or other forces and drifting.

In a very insightful article recently published by USNI and written by Megan Eckstein, she perfectly captures a Navy leadership dynamic that tells friend or foe that the US Navy  certainly has “way on” into 21st Century war.

Navy Homing in on Requirement for Next Large Combatant; Industry Talks Start This Week

The insights presented by Rear Adm. Ron Boxall (OPNAV N96) and supported by CNO Admiral John Richardson with solid  industry dynamic  support is a real signal to all that in the grand historical tradition forward from the Navy’s first “6 Frigates” to this day and into the future, the fighting Navy is designing scalable forces at sea that can win today and tomorrow anywhere and anytime in any Ocean.

First of all, Admiral Boxall underscore: “The future surface combatant will not be called a destroyer.

“The Admiral wants to get away from viewing the future ship as a one-for-one replacement for today’s Arleigh Burke class, and the narrative of “large surface combatant” and “small surface combatant” forces the Navy to think about designing and operating the two in tandem.”

Second, he emphasized that “Chief of Naval Operations Adm. John Richardson has demanded flexibility and adaptability from the future large surface combatant, and the Flight III design cannot deliver.”

Welcome to US Navy “Kill Web” thinking, where no platform fighting alone in the air, on the surface and sub-service forces all together going into the future.

“We shouldn’t look at ship to ship; we should look at the force.

“And I would argue that I think we can get more bang for the buck out of our force out of these lethal small frigates I’m very excited about,” Admiral Boxall said.

The dynamic of ship design has been in an historically different cycle time from that of combat aircraft design trends.

The driver in aviation R&D was simply a quicker airframe technology action reaction cycle.

Now with a 21st Century technology sensor/shooter and payload utility functions driving Kill Webs, ship and aircraft design improvements are converging.

The learning curve to improve sensors, system capability and weapons carried quickly compared to building another airframe may be a new American way of industrial surging.

The American arsenal of democracy may be shifting from an industrial production line to a clean room and a computer lab as key shapers of competitive advantage.

The F-35B in the Perspective of Aviation History

The dynamic of shifting to technological improvements in both aviation airframe design as with ship hull design must be undertaken with a vision for growth into unknown capturing battle tipping dynamic sensor/shooter improvements over time.

The crossover point in melding N96, surface focus with N98 Aviation is the late Col. John Boyd USAF fighter pilot in meeting  today’s Surface Navy

To understand Payload utility with full honor to John Boyd, it can be noted that Observe/Orient (OO) is essentially target acquisition, and Decide/Act (DA) is target engagement.

Thus there is a very simple formula, better and better TA and TE =more effective employment of all payloads available to the battle commander.

It is the process of understanding the huge complexities in such a simple formula that is the challenge.

Effective employment of a Payload utility (Pu) function in combat can be seen as the end point of many human decisions aided by technology.

It is an attempt to bring together with a unifying central focus for analysis a coherent interconnected vision capturing both a shift in looking at legacy systems and a way ahead in modernization programs.

Modernization and mobilization must both exist in harmony, because numbers also do count.

Shaping a Way Ahead to Prepare for 21st Century Conflicts: Payload-Utility Capabilities and the Kill Web

The CNO and Admiral Boxall well understand the Payload utility dynamic for the next round of shipbuilding.

Thinking about building a scalable interconnected fleet of many air and sea assets to fight and win is captured perfectly in the USNI article.

Every peer-competitor that can become an enemy of America and the American Navy must understand the lasting words of the great Navy theorist Alfred Thayer Mahan, of whom John Keegan called “the most important American strategist of the nineteenth century.

“Mahan made a seminal point about fighting a war that rings true to this day, and specifically note the emphasis on “offensively and aggressively”:

“War, once declared, must be waged offensively, aggressively.

“The enemy must not be fended off, but smitten down.

“You may then spare him every exaction, relinquish every gain, but ’til then he must be struck incessantly and remorselessly.”

Ed Timperlake is a graduate of the US Naval Academy and served as a USMC fighter pilot and became CO of VMFA-321.

We regularly review USNI books in our book review section of defense.info.

https://defense.info/category/book-review/

The featured photo is of the potential new frigate for the US Navy.

Credit: USNI

 

 

Russia, China and Collaborative Actions: An Alliance in the Making

01/19/2019

By Stephen Blank

A virtual flood of studies and articles continues to appear concerning Russo-Chinese relations.[i]

Although the expert consensus remains that no alliance or no formal alliance between Russia and China exists despite their visibly growing intimacy; I would dispute that finding.[ii]

Indeed, Moscow keeps inventing euphemisms to disguise what is going on.

First it was called a comprehensive strategic partnership.[iii]

More recently in November 2018 President Putin called it a ‘privileged strategic partnership.’[iv]

Both these formulations sound like attempts to deceive foreign observers as to the alliance’s real nature.

Thus Putin described comprehensive strategic partnership as follows:

As we had never reached this level of relations before, our experts have had trouble defining today’s general state of our common affairs. It turns out that to say we have strategic cooperation is not enough anymore. This is why we have started talking about a comprehensive partnership and strategic collaboration. “Comprehensive” means that we work virtually on all major avenues; “strategic” means that we attach enormous inter‑governmental importance to this work.[v]

Similarly Foreign Minister Lavrov has stated that,

As regards international issues, we feel – and out Chinese friends share this view – that our cooperation and coordination in the international arena are one of the most important stabilizing factors in the world system. We regularly coordinate our approaches to various conflicts, whether it is in the Middle East, North Africa, or the Korean peninsula. We have regular and frank and confidential consultations.[vi]

It is hard to know how a privileged partnership expands upon a comprehensive one. Moreover, this alliance is not merely a political relationship but one of active military collaboration.

In addition, leading officials in both countries expect this relationship to deepen, including in its military dimensions, during 2019.[vii]   Indeed, President Xi Jinping told Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu that not only can both militaries deal with “common security threats” but also they should increase cooperation and unswervingly deepen their strategic coordination.[viii]

And we can already see practical examples of such coordination as both governments jointly conducted a series of experiments in the atmosphere that not only could alter earthly environments but also apparently disturb electrical connections in the territories below these experiments.[ix]

These experiments look suspiciously like preliminary efforts to test both ground-based and space-based capabilities to achieve the effects of an EMP (Electro-Magnetic Pulse) attack on earth against their adversaries.

Indeed, commenting on these tests, the Chinese journal Earth and Planetary Physics observed that the results were satisfactory but also “such international cooperation is very rare for China.”[x]

Similarly, the Vostok-2018 exercises involving large-scale Russian forces and about 3200 Chinese forces in September -2018 may have originally been intended as an exercise in anticipation of a U.S. attack on North Korea.[xi]

In fact Russian writers, e.g. Vasily Kashin, Senior Research Fellow at the Russian Academy of Sciences Institute of the Far East, claim that the 2001 Russo-Chinese treaty enshrined at the very least strategic military and political coordination between both governments.

Specifically, he observes that,

Chapter 9 of the treaty stipulated that “in case there emerges a situation which, by [the] opinion of one of the Participants, can crate threats to the peace, violate the peace, or affect the interests of the security of the Participant, and also in case when there is a threat of aggression against one of the Participants, the Participants immediately contact each other and start consultations in order to remove the emerging threat.[xii]

Kashin further notes that, “While the treaty did not create any obligations for mutual defense, it clearly required both sides to consider some sort of joint action in the case of a threat from a third party.”[xiii]

This means that even before these events in the military sphere, we see a well-developed process of shared learning and exchange of operational and strategic concepts to enhance bilateral relations.[xiv]

This parallels the wider and extensively developed network of bilateral consultations across many ministries of both governments that are then manifested in practice and thereby reflect an alliance, even if it remains an informal one.[xv]These postures and operations go considerably beyond the joint exercises and arms sales that others have written about.[xvi]

The point here, as confirmed by many analysts, is the extensive inter-military dialogues that have gone on for over a decade as part of the larger program of inter-governmental exchanges.[xvii]

Certainly the joint air and missile defenses exercises of 2017 suggests an alliance for in such exercises both sides must put their cards on the table and display their C4ISR.

As Vasily Kashin observes, this exercise took the form of a computer simulation where both sides constructed a joint air/missile defense area using long-range SAM systems like the Chinese HQ-9 and the Russian S-300/400 series.[xviii]

Likewise, both the preceding and ongoing naval exercises before and after 2017 point to deepening collaboration and a vibrant bilateral military dialogue.

Conclusions

Analysts have long chronicled the political, economic, and ideological manifestations of the evolving Sino-Russian partnership. But the steadfast denials of a military alliance dynamic here are not based on the evidence of arms sales, technology transfer, joint exercises, conventional and nuclear coordination and long-term strategic dialogues.

Inasmuch as the U.S. has singled out China and Russia as its adversaries misreading the true nature of their relations gravely undermines the chances for successful American strategy and policy and not only in Asia.[xix]

It is long since time that analysts and policymakers acknowledged the reality that is evolving right before their eyes and stopped taking refuge in clichés and wishful thinking.

Only on the basis of realism can we move forward to deal with this alliance and the challenge of either defeating or disassembling it in exclusively peaceful ways.

Stephen Blank is a Senior Fellow with the American Foreign Policy Council.

Editor’s Note

One can debate what kind of alliance these two authoritarian states are forging.

But clearly as the Australian strategist, Ross Babbage has argued, both are working towards the goal of making the world safe of authoritarian states.

It is important to factor in how these two states reinforce one another’s actions, plan joint actions, or operate counter to one another as a key element of the strategic shift from the land wars to crisis management with peer competitors.

And the study of how authoritarian states work together — in both support as well as cross purposes — is a neglected study.

We recently reviewed a book about Japan and Nazi Germany which had many insights into the alliance and its dynamics.

https://defense.info/book-review/2018/12/germanys-last-mission-the-failed-voyage-of-u-234-to-japan/

There is also interesting information on the Japanese-Nazi alliance contained in a book on Bletchley Park which we have reviewed as well.

https://defense.info/book-review/2018/11/the-secrets-of-station-x-how-the-bletchley-park-codebreakers-helped-win-the-war/

[i]To give three of many examples, Marcin Kaczmarski, Mark N. Katz, and Teija Tillikaiinen, The Sino-Russian and US-Russian Relationships: Current Developments and Future Trends, Finnish Institute of International Affairs, Helsinki, 2018 www.upi.fiia.fi; Richard J. Ellings and Robert Sutter, Eds., Axis of Authoritarians: Implications of China-Russia Cooperation, Seattle, WA: National Bureau of Research, Asia 2018; Jo Inge Bekkevold and Bobo Lo Eds., Sino-Russian Relations In the 21stCentury, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018,

[ii]Ibidem.

[iii]““Interview to the Xinhua News Agency of China,” www.kremlin.ru, June 23, 2016

[iv]Alla Hurska,” Flawed ‘Strategic Partnership’: Putin’s Optimism On China Faces Harsh Reality,” Eurasia Daily Monitor, December 12, 2018, www.jamestown.org

[v]“Interview to the Xinhua News Agency of China,”

[vi]Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, “Statement and Answers to Questions From the Media by Russian Foreign Minister S.V. Lavrov at the Press Conference on the Results of Russia’s Chairmanship of the UN Security Council, New York, October 1, 2015,” BBC Monitoring.

[vii]“Russia, China To Bolster Ties In 2019: Envoy,” http://tass.com/politics/1038117 December 27, 2018; “China, Russia Agree To Boost Military Ties, XinhuaDecember 21, 2018, Retrieved from BBC Monitoring

[viii]“China: Xi Meets Russia Defence Minister,” Xinhua, October 20, 2018, Retrieved from BBC Monitoring

[ix]“China, Russia Test Controversial Technology Above Europe-Paper,” South China Morning Post, December 17, 2018, www.scmp.com

[x]Ibid.

[xi]Brian G. Carlson, “Vostok-2018: Another Sign Of Strengthening Russia-China Ties,” SWP Comment, No. 47, November, 2018, https://www.swp-berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/comments/2018C47_Carlson.pdf,

[xii]Vasily Kashin, The Current State Of Russian-Chinese Defense Cooperation, Center For Naval Analyses, 2018, p. 14

[xiii]Ibid.

[xiv]Ibid.

[xv]Marcin Kaczmarski, An Asian Alternative? Russia’s Chances of Making Asia an alternative to Relations With the West, Centre for Eastern Studies, Warsaw, www.osw.waw.pl, 2008, p.p. 35-36

[xvi]Schwartz, Wishnick, Vostok-2018

[xvii]Kaczmarski, pp. 35-36; Jacob Kipp, “From Strategic Partnership to De facto Military Alliance: Sino-Soviet Mil-Mil Contacts in the Modern Era, 1945-2018, Presented to the NPEC Conference, Washington. DC, 12 July 2018

[xviii]Kashin, p. 20.  C4ISR stands for Command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance

[xix]The National Security Strategy of the United States Of America, https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NSS-Final-12-18-2017-0905.pdf, December, 2017

The featured photo can be found here:

Russia and China actively collude to bring down the only thing America cares about

Brexit and Identity Politics: A Case Study of Globalization in Flux

01/18/2019

By Kenneth Maxwell

On January 15, 2019, the British prime minister, Mrs Theresa May, suffered the greatest parliamentary defeat in British history when members of the House of Commons voted 432 to 202 to kill her BREXIT deal which sets out the terms of Britain’s exit from the EU on March 29th.

She had pulled a previously scheduled vote before the Christmas parliamentary recess fearing defeat.

But the delay only added to the disenchantment.

She tried mightily to keep the 10 members of Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) on board. She has depended on the support  of the DUP to sustain her minority Conservative government since she lost conservative seats in an ill-timed general election she called in 2017.

But it was the so called “back stop” in the EU/UK exit agreement which involved the border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic, the only land border between the EU and UK, that proved totally unacceptable to the DUP, and consequently they vociferously failed to support her.

In fact it was the “back stop” that became the final straw that broke the camel’s back of her EU/UK Brexit deal.

The problem was in some respects of Mrs May’s own making.

Her “red lines” had called for Britain to leave the customs union and the single market.

The back-stop was an insurance policy that in the event that the two sides could not reach an agreement, Northern Ireland was to remain within the EU’s regulatory and customs arrangements.

This was intended to prevent the re-emergence of a hard border between the Irish Republic and Northern Ireland, the elimination of which was one of the great achievements of the “Good Friday” agreement which ended the violent Northern Irish “time of troubles” when the British army intervened and Catholic and Protestant paramilitary forces clashed throughout the province, and the IRA carried out a bombing campaign and political murders in Ulster and England.

There is some irony that the perennial British-Irish question should become a stumbling bloc to British exit from the EU.

However, the Conservative Party and the DUP do agree on one thing. That is they will unite to prevent a general election and to keep the Labour Party out of government.

So when the Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn put down a no-confidence motion in the government after Mrs May’s catastrophic defeat they joined together the very next day to defeat Corbyn by 325 to 306.

Not that Corbyn was surprised by this outcome.

He has never been a great fan of the EU which he has long seen as a capitalist plot.

Nor is he a fan of the DUP having for years been a sympathiser with Sinn Fein, the Irish nationalists.

And despite the total disarray of Mrs May’s government, Corbyn is still behind in the opinion polls.

The Northern Irish question and the “back stop” is in a curious way a revenge of King James the First and his 1609 “plantation” of English and Scottish Protestants in Northern Ireland on the land seized from the exiled Catholic Irish earls.

By 1620 there were 40,000 Scottish Presbyterians in Ulster. The Protestant Oliver Cromwell’s violent repression in Ireland took place after his victory in the English Civil War.

The failed attempt by King James the Second with French support to take back the English throne via Ireland was defeated by the Protestant Dutch William of Orange, King William III, then co-ruler of Britain, and who was married with the protestant Queen Mary II, who was James’s eldest daughter.

It was Ulster Protestants that invented identity politics.

The bonfires and marches and noisy commemorations of “King Billy” and of the 1690 Battle of the Boyne, and extreme presbyterianism, is at the core of Northern Irish identity politics, and is the life blood of the DUP.

If Theresa May thought the DUP had it in their DNA to compromise she was sadly deluded.

They inherit 400 years of stubbornness.

David Cameron who was caught by a television crew while on his morning jog the day after Theresa May’s catastrophic defeat in the House of Commons, said that he “did not regret” calling the referendum, which of course, caused all the trouble in the first place.

It was his deputy prime minister, Nick Clegg, moreover, who during the Conservative-Liberal-Democrat coalition government that Cameron led, introduced the Fixed Parliament Act of 2011, which introduced fixed-term elections and which created a five year period between general elections.

This allows Theresa May to lose a vote in the House of Commons on the central plank of her policy and yet remain as the prime minister, and then to go on and win the support of her party and the DUP in a non-confidence vote twenty four hours later.

Nick Clegg is now in California as a chief adviser to Mark Zuckerberg where he is Vice President for global affairs and communications at Facebook.

So while Cameron jogs and Clegg defends Zuckerberg, Brexit is back to gridlock in the British Parliament, which knows want it does not want, but does not know want it wants.

The country meanwhile remains bitterly divided.

The business community dispairs and prepares for a “no-deal” crash out at 11 pm on March 29, 2019, the date and time set in law for Britain’s EU exit.

Which is something the hard line Brexiters in the Conservative party, led by Jacob William Ress-Mogg, the MP for North West Somerset, their alt-right wing leader, has always wanted all along.

Jacob Rees-Mogg has been called the “honourable member from the 18th century.” He is an alt-Catholic who, he says, would prefer to take the “whip from the Roman Catholic Church, not with the Parliament.” (The “whip” in question is the parliamentary party member who guarantees voting according to the party leadership’s directives.)

His personal wealth (together with his wife) was estimated to be £150 million in 2016. He has six children and is opposed to abortion under any circumstances and voted against same sex marriage. Though it is unlikely he much approves of the current Argentinian Pope on Rome.

But Jacob Rees-Mogg, much like the DUP,  is better described a being an MP from the 17th century. 

It is a very odd irony that the alt-Protestant DUP and the alt-Catholic Ress-Mogg should now hold the Conservative party and the fate of Brexit in their collective uncompromising obstructionist hands.

Editor’s Note: As the EU crisis deepens, a key aspect of the crisis is how identity politics community wide redefine the collaborative framework which has been put together, in many ways cobbled together, which is called the European Union. Many aspects of what is referred to as the EU are not part of the initial treaty of Rome, notably the agreement for the free flow of Europeans within the EU geographical space.

But more broadly the past two decades of globalization are being rolled back yet it is not the return of the classic nation state. Although the Pentagon has referred to the return of great power politics, what can be lost in characterizing the next phase of historical development, is the semi-sovereign nature of the world’s most powerful nations.

Collaboration and global rules are a key part of how the great nations conduct their trade, commerce and global security; at the same time identity politics and national identities are being reasserted to modify to some extent how collaboration and global rules are themselves being redefined.

The featured photo is of Jacob Rees-Mogg and is credited to the Edmund Burke Institute.

Angel Flight: Volunteer Pilots Help Medical Patients in Need

01/14/2019

By Robbin Laird and Ed Timperlake

In his seminal book, Democracy in America, the Frenchmen Alexis de Tocqueville, highlighted a key American trait which fascinated him – the volunteer instinct in support of the community.

Americans of all ages, all conditions, all minds constantly unite. Not only do they have commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but they also have a thousand other kinds: religious, moral, grave, futile, very general and very particular, immense and very small; Americans use associations to give fêtes, to found seminaries, to build inns, to raise churches, to distribute books, to send missionaries to the antipodes; in this manner they create hospitals, prisons, schools.

Finally, if it is a question of bringing to light a truth or developing a sentiment with the support of a great example, they associate.

Everywhere that, at the head of a new undertaking, you see the government in France and a great lord in England, count on it that you will perceive an association in the United States.

In America I encountered sorts of associations of which, I confess, I had no idea, and I often admired the infinite art with which the inhabitants of the United States managed to fix a common goal to the efforts of many men and to get them to advance to it freely.

 We recently had a chance to discuss one such association to which “Americans give freely” with a veteran USAF pilot who participates in an organization called Angel Flights.

Robert “Juice” Newton retired as a Col. From the USAF in 2007 and has been actively involved in the support for and development of combat innovations for airpower since his retirement.

He is a participant in a program called Angel Flight.

According to the organization’s web site, the focus of the organization is described as follows:

“Angel Flight West is a nonprofit, volunteer-driven organization that arranges free, non-emergency air travel for children and adults with serious medical conditions and other compelling needs.

“Our network of 1,400+ pilots throughout the 13 western states donate their aircraft, piloting skills, and all flying costs to help families in need, enabling them to receive vital treatment that might otherwise be inaccessible because of financial, medical, or geographic limitations.”

The site identified as well their level of activity and a recent map of flight activity.

“We fly over 10 missions every day of the year. This map shows some of our missions that you could fly. Each of these flights represents a chance for someone to get the medical care they need. Each flight is a chance for hope that you can help them achieve. We are grateful for your participation at whatever level works best for you.

“When you fly, how often you fly and whom you fly are all up to you. We don’t expect a certain number of flights. Our passengers understand that we don’t guarantee service. Cancelling for any reason is always your choice.”

According to Newton: “you meet an incredible variety of people.

“Recently we flew a young man, 23 years old who had a heart transplant this past summer.

“He was born with half a heart. But they wanted to wait till he became an adult before they did the heart transplant. He went through an interim stage, where they had a mechanical heart on this guy. His father flew with us and their positive attitude toward life was an amazing statement of how humans cope with adversity.”

“In that flight and others, I fly with “Buck” Marmis, a Vietnam fighter veteran. Many of us in the program are retired military pilots. And for us, this is another way to serve.”

He described how the service works.

“It is a virtual team. The patient contacts the organization which then asks for volunteers. When the mission is accepted the pilot deals directly with the patient. For example, young people who suffer from cancer might need a treatment at a specific facility several hundred miles from their home.  We will fly them to the closest airport to that facility and they can get their treatment and be flown back home.”

Question: So why do you do it?

Newton: To make the patient’s life a little easier.

“In the case of our 23-year-old who had a heart transplant, he and his father would have had a very long drive between San Diego and Tucson so with Angel Flight we instead gave them a faster and much prettier view. At the destination their smiles are the best reward.”1

He also participates in another volunteer program for pilots to support wounded warriors, Veterans Airlift Command.

According to their website:

“The VAC provides free air transportation to post 9/11 combat wounded and their families for medical and other compassionate purposes through a national network of volunteer aircraft owners and pilots.”


I am sure if de Tocqueville traveled in America right now, in spite of all the political disarray, he would recognize the American spirit in what these pilots do.

Hi-Intensity Operations and Sustaining Self Reliance: Crafting a Strategic Capability

On April 11, 2018, the Williams Foundation will hold its latest seminar on shaping 21st deterrence capabilities.

The seminar will be held in Canberra, Australia from 8:00 AM – 3:30 PM at theNational Gallery of Australia, ACT.

The seminar will focus on a key but neglected element of the strategic shift from the landward to deterrence of peer competitors, how to sustain a force through an extended period of crisis?

Since 2013 the Sir Richard Williams Foundation seminars have focused on building an integrated fifth generation force.  Recent seminars have evolved from the acquisition of new platforms to the process of shaping and better understanding the environment in which that integrated force will prepare and operate.

In doing so they have, among other things, highlighted the challenges of making the strategic shift from counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan to higher tempo and higher intensity operations involving peer competitors.

Within this context, the seminar in August 2018 focused on the importance of a joint approach to building an independent and potent regional strike capability.  The topic broadened to begin an examination of new ways and means of enhancing sovereign options as part of an evolving deterrent strategy.

The August 2018 seminar began a process of looking at the evolution of Australian defence capabilities through an increasingly sovereign lens and concluded there are some important choices to be made if we are to maintain our capability edge and influence in the region.

Allies are crucial to the Australian concept of defence; however, the emerging strategic circumstances demand it is vital that Australia reconsiders the ways and means of enhancing Australian sovereignty to better contribute to our relationships and ensure a more sophisticated and independent defence of Australian interests.

During the 2019 seminars, the Sir Richard Williams Foundation will develop this theme and address more broadly the question of how to look at the evolution of the Australian Defence Force from the perspective of the sovereign lens and setting the conditions for future success.

Aim of the Seminar

The first seminar will examine the question from an historical standpoint and focus on the importance and challenges of sustaining an Australian Defence Force that can autonomously contribute to the pursuit of Australia’s national interests in an increasingly challenging environment.

A key element of Australian thinking is to focus on the importance of Australia’s natural strategic strengths and reconsider Australian territory and geography, as well as the near region, as an integral part of our deterrence posture.

This entails building the infrastructure and partnerships necessary to enable more effective mobility so that Australian and partner territory can be used as a chessboard on which we are able to move Australian forces, and upon which allied forces could operate in times of crisis as part of a broader coalition engagement and sustainment strategy.

Enhanced Australian industrial sovereignty and sustainability is a core requirement of a secure and sustained force in times of crisis, where the normal functioning of the global supply chain will be deliberately targeted and disrupted.

This will require an integrated strategy for preparedness, operations and sustainment of the force enabled by appropriate industry policy to ensure the delivery of a sovereign defence capability.

Seminar Outline

This industrial policy must be closely aligned with defence policy, concepts and doctrine and will require a new approach and attitude to partnerships and an increased emphasis on the combat support and combat service support functions of the fifth-generation force.

This will further develop the Australian maneuver approach to warfighting but set in a much broader context than simply the force elements.

The seminar will address the evolving Australian approach to building new capabilities and systems with an expanded role for Australian industry as part of a broader alliance structure.

A contemporary example is how Army is building its unmanned aircraft capability through an innovative partnering strategy with industry.

Similarly, the seminar will address how Defence can be a better steward of its major platforms by partnering with industry.

One such sector worthy of consideration by Australia is in emerging technologies and how these might disrupt traditional concepts of supply chains and enhance Australia’s sovereign capabilities.

The development of an Australian-based research, design, manufacture, test and sustainment capability is a realistic aspiration and provides sovereign capability which contributes significantly within a broader alliance structure.

In particular, Australia can play a significant role in the development and production of 21st century missiles and at the same time support the needs of core allies who could leverage evolving Australian science and technology, test and experimentation ranges, and advanced manufacturing capabilities within a sophisticated and diverse global supply chain.

Above all, this will add diversity, complexity and resilience to the Australian defence and security posture and provide additional choice in the selection of the most appropriate ways and means of delivering a balanced suite of defensive and offensive independent strike capabilities.

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The featured photo shows Chairman, Sir Richard Williams Foundation, Air Marshal Geoff Brown AO, (Ret’d) talking with Chief of Air Staff, Royal Air Force, Air Chief Marshal Sir Stephen Hillier KCB, CBE, DFC, ADC, MA, RAF, at breakfast prior to the Sir Richard Williams Foundation – The Requirements of High Intensity Warfare Seminar at the National Gallery of Australia, Canberra, March 2018.

As part of the Royal Australian Air Force biennial 2018 Air Power Conference a seminar was held by the Sir Richard Williams Foundation at the National Gallery of Australia, Canberra. The seminar was on ‘Requirements of High Intensity Warfare’ where delegates drawn from national and international Air Forces and other military organisations, Government, and Industry corporations were in attendance.