The Seventh Moscow Conference on International Security: Moscow Sends a Message

05/22/2018

By Richard Weitz

Last month, defense.info attended the seventh annual Moscow Conference on International Security (MCIS-2018), which the Russian government has strived to establish as the Moscow equivalent of the Munich, Shangri-La, and other regional security conferences.

Although the conference has yet to reach that level of influence, it does offer observers insights into Russian military plans and priorities.

Almost one thousand people attended the event, including dozens of defense and deputy defense ministers from Russian military partners in Asia and the Middle East.

Fewer high-level Russian officials participated this year, perhaps because Russian President Vladimir Putin was in Sochi discussing Syria with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Iranian President Hasan Rouhani.

Furthermore, some independently minded Russian national security experts were reportedly not invited this year, contributing to the lack of alternative views among the Russian attendees.

Still, the Russian speakers mirrored the genuinely tense relationship between Russia and the West.

Continuing the focus of previous years, the conference held lengthy panels on transnational terrorism, the role of soft power in international security, and various regional security issues.

The Russian hosts also benefitted from sideline meetings with foreign government representatives, including from China, India, and Pakistan.

In addition, Rosoboronexport executives met with more than two dozen foreign military delegations during the conference to pursue arms sales and other defense industrial cooperation.

In his opening message, Putin called on attendees to assess means of strengthening international collaboration against terrorism as well as other security contributions.

The military campaign in Syria drew considerable attention from other Russian speakers, who highlighting Russia’s military victories and rendering of humanitarian assistance while criticizing Western policies.

The Russian speakers hammered home several other themes:

  • The underlying distribution of world power is becoming increasingly multipolar, but the United States and its allies are fighting a disruptive rear-guard defense of the status quo.
  • Russia is seeking to address global issues based on the rule of law and through the UN as the “sole and universal body of global governance,” but Washington strives to arrogate all important decisions to itself.
  • Americans pursue absolute security for themselves alone, whereas Russians seek “equal and indivisible security” for all.
  • By shunning Moscow’s offer to cooperate against international terrorism, the West risks everyone’s security.

In his address, Security Council Secretary Nikolai Patrushev, saw “a polycentric world order” emerging that requires adherence to international law and respect for the UN as the sole universal body of global governance.

However, “some countries” were undermining international security and justice by interfering in others’ internal affairs, violating national sovereignty, applying unilateral sanctions using military force, and “systematically” circumventing the UN’s authority by assuming the role of “global prosecutor and judge.”

Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) chief Sergei Naryshkin accused the West of promoting a Cold War mentality based on an Orwellian misuse of words—describing forced regime change as promoting freedom, defending a version of globalization based on “neocolonialism,” and undermining the traditional values of religion, nation, family and gender throughout the world. He also saw Washington as exploiting the myth of transatlantic solidarity to force Europeans to embrace an “American-centrist”’ world view.

Naryshkin dismissed accusations that Moscow used chemical weapons to assassinate former Russian military intelligence officer Sergei Viktorovich Skripal as “a crude forgery” of Anglo-American intelligence.

He claimed Washington and its allies were recreating an Iron Curtain between Russia and the West due to unfounded hysteria with respect to Russia as well as a reasonable understanding that Moscow was the leading driver of progressive global change.

Meanwhile, Patrushev said that new terrorist groups were expanding their scope of operations, intensifying their activities, innovating their tactics, and exploiting illegal migration and narcotics trafficking to replenish their human and financial resources.

According to FSB Director Alexander Bortnikov, terrorists have killed more than 150,000 people since 2014—over 32,000 last year. He warned that the Islamic State and Al-Qaeda might unite their forces to maximize their global reach.

As in previous conferences, Russian speakers cited the deteriorating Afghan security environment as a threat to Moscow and its allies, claiming almost 4.500 “IS terrorists” operate in the country.

Defense Minister Shoigu argued that the Afghan conflict cannot be resolved by military means.

However, Bortnikov did favorably recall how Russian-U.S. intelligence cooperation had thwarted last year’s St. Petersburg terrorist plot.

The Russian speakers offered several policy recommendations.

Patrushev called for enhanced intelligence sharing regarding foreign terrorists fleeing conflict zones, such as Syria and Iraq, and regarding terrorists’ exploitation of cyber tools. He also called for establishing rules to govern state behavior in the information domain. Bortnikov offered foreign partners access to Russia’s terrorist data repositories.

Yet, expanding Russian-Western counterterrorism cooperation must overcome the conspiratorial mindset evident in Moscow.

According to the Russian conference speakers, the United States and its allies have waged a half-hearted war against global extremism, allegedly using international terrorism as a weapon against unfriendly regimes and a means to keep other countries dependent on U.S. military support.

Shoigu implied that Westerners were behind the long-range strike UAVs attacking Russia in Syria because terrorists could not make strike drones on their own.

Other Russian speakers claimed that the United States had either been misled or exploited the chemical weapons use in Syria as a pretext to blame and attack Syrian government forces.

In a second-day keynote, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov accused the United States of being a global revisionist power that circumvents international law and organizations, dishonors its commitments regarding Iran and climate change, strives for global military superiority, exploits terrorism to promote regime change, and sustains “controlled chaos” in the Middle East to legitimize an “open-ended US military presence in the region.”

Lavrov likewise faulted Western democracy promotion for focusing on internal rather than international relations: “So far, our Western colleagues, who claim to be promoting democracy in all other countries, have avoided signing any multilateral documents that would stipulate stronger democracy in the global system of interstate relations.”

In contrast, Lavrov described “Russia as an independent centre of political power [that] will continue to promote a positive international agenda in the interests of global stability.

“We are not forcing anything on anyone, we are not claiming national exceptionalism, or, worse still, the right to act as we please.”

Further, “Our relations with our partners are based on international law, the central role of the UN, as well as on respect for the interests, traditions and distinctive character of all nations.”

In a release by the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation, the Conference was highlighted in an article published on April 4, 2018:

Today, the VII Moscow Conference on International Security starts in Moscow.

Middle East outlook after eradication of ISIS in Syria” is to be the main topic of the Conference. Particular attention will be placed on discussing post-conflict recovery and establishing peaceful life in the Syrian Arab Republic.

Special plenary sessions will be focused on security in Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America with an emphasis on cooperation among military departments on security in the regions. The “soft power” phenomenon will be discussed separately as a tool to address military and political issues.

More than 850 guests have arrived in Moscow to attend the forum. Among them there are defence ministers and delegations of military departments, experts and academicians from 95 countries. Heads of the following international organisations will address the forum – the UN, OSCE, CSTO, SCO, CIS and ICRC.

More than 700 representatives of domestic and foreign mass media have registered to highlight the VII Moscow Conference on International Security.

The Minister of Defence of the Russian Federation General of the Army Sergei Shoigu opened the Conference with his introductory statement.

“Today, the world is facing a crucial moment: relations between countries are changing, conflicts are solved by force more and more often. Claims made by a number of countries on their exclusiveness are encouraging a new arms race,” stated Sergei Shoigu.

According to him, the leadership of the Russian Federation is taking efforts to ensure national security. Main steps are made to counter terrorist threats as their increased significantly.

US-led anti-terrorist coalition failed to counter terrorism in Syria. However, it was aimed at establishing of military and economical presence in Syria.

As the Russian Defence Minister stated, the coalition included more than 30 countries leading in the military sphere. Nevertheless, territories controlled by the ISIS in Syria and Iraq were increasing.

“It is hard to believe that the powerful coalition could not fight terrorists in the region. It is evident that the coalition had another aims: to undermine situation in the region, and deploy military and economical presence in the area,” stressed Sergei Shoigu.

In conclusion of his speech, the head of the Russian military department stressed that challenges and threats in the security field were changing. According to him, it is necessary to analyze them constantly and search for joint decisions.

Sergei Shoigu expressed his hope that “ideas that could make a basis for a renewed security system will be voiced in course of the conference”. 

VFA-147 Transitions to the F-35

05/21/2018

On April 18, the U.S. Navy’s Strike Fighter Squadron VFA-147 ‘Argonauts,’ completed its first F-35C flight at Naval Air Station (NAS) Lemoore, Calif.

The inaugural flight supports the squadron’s transition from the F/A-18E Super Hornet to the F-35C, marking a significant step forward in the integration of the F-35C weapons system into the Navy’s arsenal.

In an article written by Mark D. Faram and published on April 4, 2018, the process was highlighted.

While the Navy’s two Joint Strike Fighter training squadrons tested their sea legs in the Atlantic in March, the future of the Navy’s operations was getting underway in earnest at Naval Air Station, Lemoore, California.

The Argonauts of Strike Fighter Squadron 147 technically began the transition to the F-35 in December after landing back at Lemoore following a six-month deployment aboard the carrier Nimitz as part of Carrier Air Wing 11.

“That was the final time they flew in the Super Hornet and their maintainers and pilots have now been training, both down at Eglin Air Force Base, as well as in Lemoore with the [Replacement Squadron], VFA-125,” said Cmdr. Ron Flanders, spokesman for Naval Air Forces in San Diego.

The Navy’s transition to the F-35C Lightning II — coupled with the U.S. military’s shift to the Pacific — is helping to turn this somewhat remote air station into the largest strike fighter hub in the Navy.

“Pilots have been going to training in the full-mission simulators in Lemoore and we anticipate them being certified as safe for flight later this year,” he said.

Despite the wait, “they are officially considered an operational squadron, the Navy’s first and only operational F-35C squadron.” 

Navy officials are targeting October as a ready date for VFA-147, which will be receiving aircraft from the Roughriders of VFA-125, as well from the factory.

“The Navy understands that the threshold and objective dates, August 2018 and February 2019, are at risk due to a delay in the schedule,” said Lt. Cmdr. Leslie Hubbell, spokeswoman for Naval Air Forces. 

“Once full capability has been demonstrated, and all other IOC criteria have been met, the Navy will declare that the F-35C has achieved Initial Operational Capability.”

It’s a major step in the Navy’s journey to get the Joint Strike Fighter into carrier air wings, currently slated to happen in February 2019.

The next step for the Argonauts will be to start more intensive flying as they begin their integration into a carrier air wing, a process that will include preparation for deployment on the aircraft carrier Carl Vinson in 2021.

What remains unclear, though, is who will come after VFA-147 in the transition to the F-35C. 

The Navy has not yet clarified how that continued transition will unfold.

But what is clear is that the Navy has an ambitious plan for the Joint Strike Fighter, with a goal of fielding 20 operational JSF squadrons by the early 2030s.

Executing that plan will most likely be the responsibility of a new joint strike fighter wing — based in Lemoore — that will debut in the near future. 

That command’s mission will be to focus on building the Navy’s JSF capabilities and managing the transition of the squadrons that will be switching to the Navy’s newest fighter jet.

The featured photo shows Lt. Cmdr Mike “Waylon” Jennings and Lt. Dave “Strokes” Hinkle from the “Argonauts” #VFA147 prepareingfor their first flight with the #F35C Lightning II at NAS Lemoore.

They are the first aviators from a U.S. Navy operational squadron to fly the aircraft.

 

UK Defense, European Defense and Brexit: Note 2

05/20/2018

Brexit is a process which have a major impact on the UK and Europe for sure.

And no matter what the Brexit negotiated outcome that will be sorted out between the EU and the UK, both continental Europe and the UK will have to find a way to work together going forward.

The UK has a long history of dealing with continental Europe as does continental Europe with the United Kingdom, and certainly not all peaceful.

Brexit is an episode of history which will be ingested as the UK and Europe go forward in the next phase of their interactions.

Clearly, the UK and as well as major continental powers will sort out a way ahead, but as they do so several trajectories of developments will be set in motion.

A key one is that the UK is a major defense power within Europe and only France really is at the same level.

And given the continuing very significant defense shortfalls in Germany, a Franco-German defense relationship certainly not can not deliver the same European defense effect as can a continuing and perhaps deepened UK-French defense relationship.

But what will be the French-UK defense relationship after Brexit?

Clearly, both countries are concerned about this and are working the issue.

The latest evidence of this if Britain and France signing an agreement to exchange test pilots.

According to a story published today on the UK Ministry of Defence website, the first defence ministerial council has taken place in Paris.

Defence Secretary Gavin Williamson and French Minister of the Armed Forces Mme Florence Parly today (17 May) held the first Defence Ministerial Council since the announcement of a permanent and regular forum for the discussion of UK-France defence cooperation in January 2018. During the meeting a bespoke technical arrangement which will oversee the exchange of test pilots between the two nations was signed.

The agreement formalises an exchange enabling French pilots to train at the UK Empire Test Pilots’ School based at MOD Boscombe Down, and British pilots to train at the French Test Pilots’ School, Ecole du Personnel Navigant d’Essais et de Reception based on the Istres Le Tube Airbase. This reciprocal exchange of personnel ensures that the skills of military flight test, analysis and capability enhancement are shared between the Armed Forces of UK and France, further strengthening the UK’s relationship with France and building on the strong partnership between our armed forces.

Defence Secretary Gavin Williamson said:

France is one of our most important allies and this agreement symbolises the importance of deep defence and security relationships. By participating in this exchange programme, we will strengthen understanding between our personnel.

We are the only two European powers willing and able to deploy and sustain significant military power and we will continue to work towards a special partnership for the future.

The UK and France have also successfully carried out the second development firing of the Sea Venom missile which will equip the Royal Navy and French Navy helicopters to prosecute a wide range of surface threats, from fast inshore attack craft up to corvette-sized vessels, including in coastal environments. Sea Venom has both ‘fire and forget’ mode as well as a ‘man in the loop’ capability, which allows full missile control until target impact.

French and British Armed Forces operate alongside each other in NATO, including as part of the enhanced Forward Presence (eFP) in Estonia. The UK and France have been fighting Daesh together in Iraq and Syria, and last month launched coordinated strikes against Syrian regime chemical weapons stocks. The UK and French navies work together around the globe to uphold freedom of navigation and the laws of the sea, with UK personnel currently taking part in France’s Jeanne d’Arc naval deployment to the Asia-Pacific region, and are building on work last year to increase coordination of hurricane relief efforts in the Caribbean.

We are also developing cutting-edge defence capability projects together and deepening links across our Armed Forces, vital actions as both the UK’s National Security Capability Review and last year’s French Strategic Review of Defence and National Security described a world of rising instability and unpredictability – which is why we are conducting the Modernising Defence Programme to make sure we are configured to address the intensifying and complex threats that we are our allies now face.

Earlier, a March 30, 2018 press release by the Embassy of France in London provided an update on a meeting between the procurement ministers of the two countries.

Paris, 30 March 2018

The Délégué général pour l’armement, Joël Barre, had a meeting on 29 March 2018 with his British counterpart, Minister for Defence Procurement Guto Bebb, for the 29th High Level Working Group.

The meeting, organized in the framework of the Lancaster House treaty, follows the Franco-British summit of 18 January 2018 between President Macron and Prime Minister Theresa May. The discussion came after the [French] Military Estimates Bill was submitted to Parliament and as the Defence Modernization Programme is under way on the British side.

M. Barre and Mr Bebb reviewed the many programmes on which France and the UK are cooperating at present, as well as potential subjects of interest. More specifically, in accordance with the guidelines set at the Sandhurst summit, M. Barre and Mr Bebb agreed on the broad lines of the new phase of technological work to be conducted as part of the Future Combat Air System programme.

A detailed review of the One Complex Weapons initiative was carried out. The Délégué général pour l’armement and the Minister for Defence Procurement especially welcomed the fact that MBDA had successfully completed the first contractual stage of the FMAN-FMC concept phase.

Our joint mine warfare programme was also discussed at the meeting; it develops an autonomous system to the highest global standard, while offering interesting prospects for export.

New areas of capability cooperation were also identified for more detailed analysis.

The results of the meeting will help prepare for the first Franco-British ministerial defence council, established at the recent summit.

Joël Barre, the Délégué général pour l’armement, declared that:

“In accordance with the orientations defined in the Strategic Review, the Military Estimates Bill proposes an unprecedented defence effort. Besides speeding up the modernization of our conventional equipment and launching the renewal of the two components of France’s nuclear deterrent, it also aims to consolidate European cooperation in equipment programmes.

“With this in mind, and driven by a shared determination renewed by the Sandhurst agreement, that we are working with the UK to jointly develop the systems that will enable our armed forces to meet the challenges of tomorrow.”

The Defence Procurement Minister said:

“France remains our most important European defence partner. Our unique relationship in security and defence has lasted more than a century. We continue to work closely to deliver the best equipment to our forces in land, sea, air, space and cyber. In a world of growing global threats, we are working together to ensure the continued security of Europe and our common allies.”

- The HLWG (High-Level Working Group) is the highest governing body for Franco-British armaments cooperation. It was created by the 2010 Lancaster House treaty, which establishes defence cooperation between France and the United Kingdom which has little, indeed no equal worldwide. The HLWG meets several times a year. It is co-chaired by Joël Barre, Délégué général pour l’armement, and Guto Bebb, the British Minister for Defence Procurement.

- The One Complex Weapons initiative covers a broad spectrum of joint missile projects, including the concept phase for the Future Cruise/Anti-Ship Weapon, the helicopter-launched Light Anti-Ship Missile project, initiated at the 2014 Franco-British summit in Brize Norton and currently undergoing tests, the upgrade of the ASTER anti-air missile and mid-life refurbishment of the SCALP/Storm Shadow cruise missile. One Complex Weapons also covers MBDA’s development of centres of excellence in France and the UK./.

The featured photo shows Defence Secretary Gavin Williamson and French Minister of the Armed Forces Mme Florence Parly. Crown copyright.

The Way Ahead for Norwegian Airpower: The Perspective of the Vice Chief of the Norwegian Air Force

By Robbin Laird

During my visit to Norway in April 2018, I had a chance to meet with and discuss the Norwegian way ahead on airpower with Brigadier General Aage Longva, Vice Chief of the Norwegian Air Force.

We met at his office at Rygge Air Station south of Oslo.

The BG has lived through and been a key participant in the standup and evolution of the F-16 as the backbone Norwegian fighter.  He began his training on F-16 at Sheppard Air Force base in Texas and has been part of the migration of Norwegian F-16s from being an air-to-air platform to becoming a multi-mission platform.

He noted that at the time of the Balkan operations by NATO, the Norwegian Air Force was able to participate but only in an air-to-air role.

With the acquisition of new targeting pods and weapons, the Norwegian F-16s evolved into an air-to-ground fighter as well so that when the initial NATO operations in Libya began, the Norwegians were there from the beginning.

He also noted that the Norwegian commitment to F-16 modernization led their aircraft to get levels of modernization even more advanced than the USAF was flying at the time of the Libyan operation.

The Cold War experience has been foundational for the Royal Norwegian Air Force.  After its official founding during World War II, the Norwegians in the Cold War were at the cutting edge of dealing with the Soviet threat operating from Kola and moving out into the Greenland-Iceland-UK gap.

After the end of the Cold War, the skill sets of NATO were redirected and several of those were attentuated.

During my visit last year to Norway, my interview with the Chief of the Norwegian Navy underscored however that Norway was more focused than many in NATO on the remaining threats which Russia could generate and kept capabilities alive to deal with these threats.

For example, the Norwegians did NOT redirect their P-3s towards overland missions; but kept them focused on ASW.

In my interview with the Chief of the Norwegian Navy, he underscored the importance of this focus:

The Rear Admiral noted that the Norwegians have never stopped flying their MPAs, in this case their P-3s, over their areas of interest in the North. They did not send their P-3s to the Middle East, nor did they retire their MPAs as did other P-3 users in NATO.

“We have kept this competence not only alive but focused on the key areas of interest to us in the region.”

The P-3s have been “critical to understand the underwater domain for our forces.

“We are buying the P-8 because of its capability and the priority to focus upon this capability.”

For the Norwegians, and this point was clearly driven home in the interview with Brigadier General Longva, there is a clear sense of urgency to enhance Norwegian defense capability and its ability to work effectively with allies in the post-Crimea political-military environment.

In this sense, not only is the F-35 not simply a replacement aircraft for the F-16, it is a strategic asset around which Norway will build out core capabilities to deal with the evolving challenges in the region.

In building out the new base for the F-35 at Ørland Air Force Station, where he was the Wing Commander prior to coming to his current position, the Norwegians are building a base that is built to operate during crises and conflict.

They are focusing on base protection, rapid repair capabilities, hardening of shelters and other means to ensure that the base can operate in difficult conditions.

And with the revival of the total defense concept, Norway is looking as well at ways to operate in conditions where leveraging capabilities to operate in other manners is possible as well.

The standup of the F-35 is different from the F-16 in an important way:

“We are standing up the aircraft at the same time as the USAF.  We are training in a squadron made up of Norwegian, Italian and USAF pilots.

“We are on the ground floor working with the USAF to shape the concepts of operations for the aircraft with the USAF.

“And the USAF has been very open in working with us as well.”

Operating in Norwegian conditions is challenging; and the potential threat is there every day generated from the Kola Peninsula.

“It is not like operating from Luke; when we fly, we see and can engage targets on a daily basis.”

His perspective was very reminiscent of what the former Chief of the Israeli Air Force had to say about flying his F-35 in his region:

Major General Eshel was then quoted as underscoring a unique quality of what the aircraft provides the IDF.

“When you take off in this plane from Nevatim [base], you can’t believe it.

“At 5,000 feet, the whole Middle East is there for you in the cockpit.

“You see things, its inconceivable.

“American pilots who visit us haven’t seen anything like it, because they fly over Arizona or Florida, and here they suddenly see the [entire] Middle East as a combat zone – the threats, the different players, at both close range and long range.

“Only then do you grasp the enormous potential of this machine.

“We’re already seeing it with our eyes”

The Norwegian version of this challenge is clearly the bastion posed by the Russians on the Norwegian border.

The Russians have modernized and are modernizing their air and sea capabilities as well as enhancing their ground missile defense and attack capabilities on the Northern borders of Norway.

How to deal with the bastion threat and to have a credible response?

“One of the rationales for acquiring F-35 is that we are not able to use the F-16 against the Bastion threat in ways we need to.

“The F-35 will allow us to do so.”

The F-35 is a key element in building out that response and working with allies as well.

Notably, the UK is now flying the same aircraft as Norway, the P-8 and F-35, and can work with other allies in the region and shape a foundational F-35 enterprise as part of the driver of change and innovation necessary to provide a credible crisis response capability in the region.

Brigadier General Longva focused on the IOC process for the F-35, which was targeting having a QRA aircraft able to be supported and to operate in a sovereign manner.

There are clear challenges to standing up the first F-35 squadron in Norway, but they are doing so as the Royal Air Force and Navy do so in the UK and the US will be doing at RAF Lakenheath.

And from the BG’s perspective, this is a work in progress but when in which the allies are working through similar problems at the same time and are providing cross-learning in the process of standing up the new air system.

“We are not that far behind the USAF; we are advanced to the point where we can make our own mistakes to learn from as we standup the aircraft.”

He emphasized that the strategic goal with regard to the F-35s operating in the region is to have as much of a common approach as possible.

For it is through a common approach that costs are reduced and capability enhanced. 

The sustainment side of this is broadly challenging as the US has built the aircraft with a global supply chain and working with a number of industries in Europe.

And with a shift from a traditional approach towards a more global one, working through the details will be both important and difficult.

But at the end of the day, Norway’s strategic location and the threat it is dealing with is central to the US and NATO, and how the Norwegians stand up their F-35 squadrons and build out from them to shape other capabilities will clearly be important and not just to Norway.

An interesting piece of this is the development and acquisition of the Norwegian Joint Strike Missile, which will be deployed on air, ground, and naval systems and can provide a significant missile capability, which can be leveraged by the F-35 as the sensor-shooter lead.

And because the missile is compatible from the ground up with other F-35As, partners in the global enterprise, notably Japan and Australia are joining into the opportunity to work with Norway on the Joint Strike Missile as well.

In short, Norway is working defense modernization in a way symmetrical to deal with the core threats facing it.  And in so doing, will generate lessons learned for other allies in Europe and beyond.

As the current Chief of Staff of the Royal Air Force put it during his presentation at the Williams Foundation in Canberra in March 2018:

You asked me to speak about high-intensity warfare in Europe.

Perhaps I’ve not really provided that much of that specific geographical context.

But then as I said right at the start, I don’t believe that what I’ve described can be bracketed within a particular geography. 

The challenges I’ve described are truly global and truly common to us all.

The featured photo shows a fly over of Norwegian F-16s and F-35s last November when the F-35s arrive at Ørland, Air base. Credit Photo: Norwegian Ministry of Defence

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2018 Security of Defense Supply Agreement Between Norway and the United States

05/18/2018

On April 12, 2018, the US Department of Defense and the Norwegian Ministry of Defence signed a new agreement on security of supply between the two countries.

According to a story on the Department of Defense website:

Mr. Eric Chewning, the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Manufacturing and Industrial Base Policy (DASD-MIBP) and Mr. Morten Tiller, Norway’s National Armaments Director, signed a Security of Supply Arrangement (SoSA) on April 12, 2018.

The intent of this effort is to further industry collaboration efforts between the allied countries.

This is one of the mechanisms that the office of the DASD-MIBP is utilizing to implement U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis’ new national defense strategy that is focused, among his top priorities, on strengthening alliances among allied countries.

The DASD-MIBP recognizes that mutually beneficial alliances and partnerships are crucial to achieving our national security objectives.

SoSAs are arrangements that incentivize and encourage allied countries to procure/acquire defense articles/services from U.S. suppliers, enhance mutual interoperability, and enshrine confidence that DoD can rely on allied partners to securely deliver needed items as needed.

The featured photo shows Mr. Eric Chewning, the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Manufacturing and Industrial Base Policy (DASD-MIBP) and Mr. Morten Tiller, Norway’s National Armaments Director, signeing a Security of Supply Arrangement (SoSA) on April 12, 2018.

And a Defense News story written by Jen Judson and published by Defense News on April 17, 2018 provided additional details.

A SOSA allows “the DoD to request priority delivery for DoD contracts, subcontracts, or orders from companies in these countries. Similarly, the arrangements allow the signatory nations to request priority delivery for their contracts and orders with U.S. firms,” according to a Pentagon definition.

The U.S. has entered into similar arrangements with eight other countries: Australia, Canada, Finland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. And the U.S. has established subsequent codes of conduct with industry in Finland, Italy, Sweden and the U.K.

“For decades the Norwegian industry has delivered critical defense equipment to the U.S. armed forces. This indicates that the U.S. authorities have considered Norwegian companies to be trustworthy suppliers for many years already,” Tiller said just prior to signing the document. “Norwegian companies have also cooperated with U.S. companies for many, many years and I would say with great success.”

A prime example of such partnership, Tiller noted, is the 50-year cooperation between Norway’s Kongsberg and Raytheon.

Tiller said that once the agreement is signed, the next step will be to enter a code of conduct arrangement with Norway’s defense and security industrial association where participating Norwegian companies “will commit to, as it is stated, make every reasonable effort, to provide priority support to U.S. authorities and prime contractors that need to invoke security of supply arrangement in future contracts.”

He added that he expected many Norwegian companies will sign up to the code of conduct and particularly the companies present at the signing, such as Kongsberg and Nammo, would do so “before the summer break.”

The agreement comes at a time where the U.S. is turning more toward strengthening alliances — a top priority laid out in the new National Defense Strategy.

A partnership between a US and Norwegian team can lead to third market opportunities as well, as being seen in the case of the Raytheon-Kongsberg NASAMS program.

An October 4, 2017 press release from Kongsberg announced an Australian purchase of the NASSAM by Australia.

The Australian Government has announced that a National Advanced Surface to Air Missile System (NASAMS) solution will be developed for the Land 19 Phase 7B project – the Ground Based Air and Missile Defence capability for the Australian Army through a Single Supplier Limited Tender process to Raytheon Australia.

Raytheon Australia has been identified as the Prime System Integrator and KONGSBERG will be a major sub-contractor in the program. NASAMS is a proven and fielded mobile air defence system in service with seven nations today, including Norway and the United States.

“We are pleased to see that NASAMS is recognized as the preferred ground based air defence capability solution for the Australian Army and we are looking forward to the process leading to a contract”, says Eirik Lie, President of Kongsberg Defence Systems.

The inherent flexibility and modularity of NASAMS makes it a world leading solution with unique capabilities to combat modern airborne threats, as well as having the ability to integrate with networks and a variety of different sensors and weapons.

“NASAMS is one of the most successful KONGSBERG products internationally and we are proud to be part of the Raytheon Australia team for delivery of this capability to the Australian Army”, Lie said.

And by participating in the F-35 global enterprise, Kongsberg is developing a very flexible joint strike missile which will be launched by the F-35 initially, but can operate off of ships and land as well.

And by being part of the F-35 program, the JSMs Kongsberg builds for the Norwegian planes are integrable from the ground up with other F-35 partners, two of which have shown advanced interest, namely Australia and Japan.

In a February 26, 2015 press release from the Norwegian Ministry of Defence, the partnership was announced between Australia and Kongsberg.

The Norwegian Ministry of Defence and the Australian Department of Defence have agreed to cooperate on the development of the Joint Strike Missile (JSM), following talks between Norwegian State Secretary Mr. Øystein Bø and his Australian colleague Mr. Stuart Robert during the Norwegian State visit to Australia this week. The agreement seeks to support the introduction of an advanced maritime strike weapon on the F-35 in the early 2020’s time frame.

Although far apart geographically, Norway and Australia share many of the same challenges. We are both maritime nations on the periphery of our immediate regions, with a large land mass and even larger maritime territories, yet relatively limited populations. This means that we have to maximize the effects of the capabilities that we invest in to ensure that they cover as much of the spectrum of operations as possible, said Norwegian Minister of Defence, Ms. Ine Eriksen Søreide.

Norway and Australia have maintained a close dialogue for several years regarding the JSM within the framework of the multinational F-35-partnership. This agreement takes the process one step further, with Australia agreeing to provide expertise in missile control and guidance systems.

The cooperation between Norway and Australia on the JSM was announced at Avalon Air Show earlier today. From the left, Deputy Chief of the Royal Australian Air Force, Air Vice Marshal Leo Davies, Norwegian State Secretary of Defence Mr. Øystein Bø, and Executive Vice President of Kongsberg Defence Systems, Mr. Pål Bratlie

– The JSM is already a very capable missile, but with the support of Australia, we hope to make it even better. Though Australia is still a few years away from making any final decisions on its future maritime strike capability, we are encouraged by the interest they have shown for both the missile and for the capabilities of Norwegian industry. We should now continue talks between our two governments, and aim to formalize this agreement in the near future, said Norwegian Minister of Defence, Ms. Ine Eriksen Søreide.

The Joint Strike Missile is an advanced long range precision strike missile, tailor made to fit the internal weapons bay of the F-35. The F-35, combined with the JSM, provide the ability to both locate and defeat heavily defended targets, both on land and at sea, at extended ranges, significantly enhancing the strategic capabilities of the aircraft. The missile utilizes advanced navigation, a passive infrared seeker, low signature and superior manoeuvrability to ensure mission effectiveness, thereby providing user nations with significantly enhanced combat capabilities.

Norway intends to procure up to 52 F-35A aircraft to enhance the ability of its Armed Forces to meet future security challenges, with first delivery planned for late 2015. Norway’s first four aircraft will be based at the F-35 International Pilot Training Centre at Luke Air Force Base Arizona, while the first F-35 will arrive in Norway in 2017. Australia has so far committed to procuring 72 F-35A, out of a planned 100, with the first two aircraft delivered in 2014.

 

 

Gen. Riccardo Marchiò, Commander NATO Joint Force Command Visits Multinational Battlegroup Estonia

In a story published on the Italian Ministry of Defence website, the visit official trip of the newly appointed Commander Nato Joint Force Command (JFC)- Brunssum (NL), Gen. Riccardo Marchiò, was discussed.

During his visits to the Battlegroups deployed in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia under German, Canadian an UK leadership, respectively, Gen. Marchiò met with the Ministers of Defence and Chiefs  of Defence Staff of the three Baltic countries.

Commander JFS underscored the crucial role of the Battlegroups for NATO Enhanced Forward Presence, saying that “…having deployed 4 Battlegroups in 4 nations with the contribution of 19 countries is a clear sign of NATO’s solidarity and cohesion in responding to the security requirements of all Member States”.  

The successful integration of the Battlegroups in the host countries is mainly due to the work of the NATO Force Integration Units (NFIUs), lean joint structures which play an important liaison role.

As regards the multinational commands in Poland, Gen. Marchiò has visited for the first time the Multinational Corps North-East (MNC-NE), located in Szczecin, and Multinational Division  North-East (MND-NE), located in Elblag.

During is visit to Poland, Gen. Marchiò has met with the Polish Minister of Defence, Mariusz Blaszczak, and Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Leszek Surawski.

He thanked them for Poland’s commitment within NATO, and for its critical role in providing the whole set of resources agreed upon during NATO Wales and Warsaw Summits.

The featured photo shows the visit of Gen. Riccardo Marchiò, to the Baltics and is credited to the Italian Ministry of Defence.

The First Japan-Australia Defence Industry Forum

05/17/2018

On March 6th, the Japan-Australia Public-Private Defence Industry Forum was jointly held for the first time by the Acquisition, Technology and Logistics Agency (ATLA) and the Department of Defence of Australia.

In the forum, both goverments shared information with participating companies on systems and structures surrounding defense industries of their countries.

It also featured presentations given by the companies on products and technologies related to i) peace operations, ii) maritime and aviation security and iii) humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, thereby encouraging industries from two countries to seek opportunities for cooperation in these three domains.

http://www.mod.go.jp/e/jdf/no99/activities.html#article05

A spokesperson from the Australian Department of Defence (DoD) said the new forum was one element of the Australian government’s commitment to deepen its strategic partnership with Japan.

 

An Update on Japanese F-35s, May 15, 2018

In a press conference held by the Japanese Defense Minister, he provided an update on the standup of Japanese F-35s in Japan.

I will provide a report on the additional deployment of F-35A aircraft to the Misawa Air Base.

The concrete schedule of the additional deployment of Air Self-Defense Force (ASDF) F-35A aircraft to the Misawa Air Base has been decided, and I will therefore provide an update.

The first aircraft was deployed in January of this year, and an additional new aircraft will be deployed today.

Furthermore, on May 26, five additional aircraft that are currently being used for training and tests in the U.S. will be deployed.

A seven aircraft unit will be formed this month.

Furthermore, we plan to deploy an additional three aircraft to the Misawa base this year to increase the unit to a total of ten aircraft.

The aircraft deployed today was the third aircraft that underwent final assembly and checkout (FACO) domestically at the Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Komaki South Factory, and it will take off from the Komaki Air Base at 14:00, and is scheduled to land at the Misawa Air Base at approximately 15:00.

The deployment of F-35A aircraft is extremely meaningful as Japan’s neighboring countries advance the modernization and build-up of their air forces, including fighter aircraft, in recent years.

In addition to our air defense capabilities, the aircraft will contribute to the strengthening of joint operations and the mutual joint operation capabilities of Japan and the U.S. The Ministry of Defense (MOD) will continue to steadily introduce the F-35A going forward.

The featured photo shows Japanese Air Self-Defense Force maintainers Nov. 28, 2016, during the arrival of the first Japanese F-35A at Luke Air Force Base, Ariz. (U.S. Air Force photo by Tech. Sgt. Louis Vega Jr.)

The role of F-35s in Japanese defense is a significant one.

One assessment of the role was provided by Colonel Yasuo Kishimoto in his 2014 article on “Trends in the US Military’s Rebalance and the Current State of Japan’s Air Self Defense Force:”

The second island chain of the A2/AD zone is expected to include Japan’s territory, territorial waters and exclusive economic zone (EEZ).

Therefore to monitor the area of the EEZ requires an ISR capability that will be highly survivable in A2/AD environment, and in defense of Japan, it is essentialfor the JASDF to have ISR that can perform urgent operations in a contested zone.

In addition, utilizing early warning platforms and unmanned aircraft can be considered part of joint ISR with the US Air Force. In particular, the US military ISR system is constructed as a series of systems, including the command and control platforms.

For this reason, we can expect to strengthen the co-operation between our command and control systems in emergencies in Japan, increasing the information sharing between the JASDF and the US Air Force. In addition, since ISR is a focal point of the US Air Force’s strategy, cooperation with the US Air Force through joint ISR in defense of Japan will lead to an environmental improvement for the US forces to deploy into.

We are considering specific assets for this capability, such as a fighter/ISR platform, like the F-35, and mounting a targeting pod on the F-2.

In particular, the F-35 will have high survivability because of its stealth features, and it will also be an asset in common with the US Air Force.

Therefore, it would be beneficial to utilize the F-35 as a part of a series of systems performing joint ISR.

http://www.mod.go.jp/asdf/meguro/center2/AirPower2nd/052kenkyu2.pdf