Assessing Russian Military Power in East Asia

07/17/2017

2017-07-18 By Richard Weitz

The Western media has recently highlighted the Russian military buildup in Asia, which generally receives less attention than Russian defense activities in Europe and the Middle East.

Russia’s Far Eastern armed forces have benefited from the country’s overall military modernization program.

During the past decade, the forces in eastern Russia have been modernizing their technologies, raising their combat readiness, and elevating their regional presence.

They have therefore improved their ability to deter and, if necessary, win wars against China and Japan; prepare for security contingencies on the Korean Peninsula; and assure Russia’s control over its land and maritime territories

The newly released Defense Intelligence Agency Russian Military Power report attributes Russia’s general defense modernization to a desire to expand Russia’s power projection capabilities, give credibility to Russian diplomacy, and make Russia’s presence too visible to ignore.

The forces deployed in Russia’s large Joint Strategic Command “OSK East” (more commonly referred to as the “Eastern MD”), headquartered in Khabarovsk, are more specifically tasked with ensuring the defense of the Russian Far East/Siberia/Arctic territories, maintaining strategic deterrence with China and the US, winning regional conventional wars, giving Russian leaders options to respond to Asian contingencies and crises, engaging with foreign militaries, making Moscow a player on Asian security issues, and serving as a force provider for other regions, including rotations in Syria, the Indian Ocean, and the Mediterranean Sea.

The units in the Eastern MD have increased their activities, with more frequent and larger military exercises to improve readiness, enhance intra-branch jointness, show strength and resolve to other countries, and encourage the sale of Russian weapons.

During the past decade, other Asian countries have bought some $30-billion worth of Russian missiles, tanks, warplanes, helicopters, armored vehicles, artillery pieces, and other defense items.

Although China and India have been the main buyers of Russian weapons, Moscow has been making a sustained effort to sell more arms to ASEAN members, including some traditional allies like the Philippines and Thailand.

The main ground forces in the Eastern MD include several combined-arms armies of varying sizes and capabilities as well as smaller ground units and formations, such as the 68th Army Corps (responsible for defending the Kuril Islands).

The units assigned to the Russian Aerospace Forces (established in 2015 from a merger of the Russian Air Force, Air Defense Troops and Space Forces) include two fighter regiments, a fighter/ground attack regiment, two ground attack regiments, one intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) regiment, and transportation and naval aviation squadrons.

These units operate Su-30SM, Su-30M-2 and Su-35S fighter planes; Mi-8, Mi-24, and Ka-52 helicopters; and S-300 and S-400 surface-to-air (SAM) missiles, and Tor-M2U anti-air systems.

The Russian Pacific Fleet is the second largest of the Russian Navy’s four fleets, headquartered in Vladivostok with an additional flotilla base in Petropavlovsk-Kamchatskiy. The Pacific Fleet has more than 70 combat vessels, including some 50 warships, about two-dozen submarines of various classes, plus several nuclear icebreakers.

lts Borei-class and Delta-III class SSBNs, based in the Krashennikov Bay on the Kamchatka Peninsula play an important role in sustaining Russia’s nuclear deterrent as they patrol under the Sea of Okhotsk protected by a bastion of other ships, including Oskar-class and Akula-class attack submarines, and land-based air and missiles.

Other nuclear forces in the Eastern MD are Russia’s long-range ballistic missiles and strategic aviation consisting of the Tu-160 Blackjack and Tu-95MS Bear H. Some of the Iskander-M missiles in the Eastern MD, which can deliver nuclear as well as conventional warheads, can hit targets in Central Asia as well as China.

As part of the Russian military buildup in Asia, the ground forces in the eastern MD are receiving the Armata family of armor, which includes a main battle tank (T-14), a heavy IFV (T-15), and other variations.

The Eastern MD has been receiving more advanced aircraft like the Su-34 and Su-35S. Furthermore, the district’s Mi-8AMTSh and Mi-24 helicopters are being modernized with the new Vitebsk EW complex designed for protection against anti-aircraft missiles and radars.

The Pacific Fleet is acquiring multi-purpose Steregushcy-class corvettes for littoral zone operations, upgrades to its Oscar-class SSGN that will extend their service lives at least another decade, and next-generation multi-mission ultra-quiet Yasen-class SSGN.

The Eastern MD is also obtaining new UAV systems and that can undertake long-range surveillance over vast normally inaccessible Arctic regions.

The new Boomerang amphibious personnel carrier would prove useful for fighting over disputed Pacific islands.

As for air-defense capabilities, the Eastern MD is deploying additional S-400s on the Kamchatka Peninsula. Meanwhile, the forces on the Kuril Islands are obtaining new coastal and air defense systems as well as modernization of their facilities and logistics.

Thanks to their modernization and already strong anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) capabilities, Russian forces in the Eastern MD should prove capable of repelling any unlikely attack from either a state or non-state actor in the region.

Though it is hard to picture the outbreak of an actual war in Asia that would involve Russia, the augmented Russian forces could offset their conventional disadvantages through using, or threatening to apply, warfare above (nuclear) as well as below (hybrid) the conventional level.

The main uncertainty in projecting future Russian military power in East Asia is foreseeing how significantly Russia’s economic challenges will disrupt the planned modernization.

Thus far, the government has generally sustained the elevated defense spending of recent years despite cutbacks in other public spending sectors.

Yet, shortfalls in energy revenue, currency depreciations, Western sanctions, and other challenges could cause major delays and cutbacks in future defense programs aimed at Asia, especially if Moscow protects other military modernization priorities in the Arctic as well as European and Southern Russia.

APPENDIX: Russia’s Order of Battle in the Eastern Military District

Major Ground Forces

Major Aerospace Forces

The Russian Pacific Fleet

SOURCES: The data in this paper comes from various public sources; when they contradict, which they often do, the author made his best assessment of their accuracy.

“Russia and Eurasia,” The Military Balance 2016, Vol. 116, Issue 1 (London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2016), pp. 163-210;

“Russian Army Order of Battle,” Global Security, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/army-orbat.htm#voeastern;

“Russian Defense Ministry to build up strength of airborne assault divisions,” TASS, July 30, 2015, http://tass.com/russia/811613;

“Войсковые Части России,” https://voinskayachast.net; “Восточный военный округ,”

Milkavkaz, archived screenshot dated April 18, 2017, http://archive.li/Z0h38#selection-441.1-441.25;

Oleg Mukhin, “20-я армия нашла командующего на Сахалине,” Kommersant, February 3, 2017, http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/3207955;

Denis Mokrushin, “36-я мотострелковая бригада“, livejournal, February 26, 2011, http://twower.livejournal.com/499098.html;

“35th Red Banner Combined Arms Army,” ww2.dk, http://www.ww2.dk/new/army/armies/35oa.htm;

U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, “Russia Military Power: Building a Military to Support Great Power Aspirations,” DIA-11-1704-161, 2017, http://www.dia.mil/Portals/27/Documents/News/Military%20Power%20Publications/Russia%20Military%20Power%20Report%202017.pdf.;

and Dmitry Boltenkov, Aleksey Gayday, Anton Karnaukhov, Anton Lavrov, “Eastern Military District – OSC East,” warfare.be, http://archive.is/zTy8s;

and Vyacheslav Tseluiko, Russia’s New Army (Moscow: CAST, 2011), http://www.cast.ru/files/book/NewArmy_sm.pdf.

RAF Upgrades Announced at the Royal International Air Tattoo Conference

07/16/2017

2017-07-16 Recently, Defence Minister Fallon announced new contracts supporting the modernization of the RAF during the Royal International Air Tattoo Conference in the UK.

According to an article published on the UK Ministry of Defence website on July 14, 2017:

Speaking at the Royal International Air Tattoo (RIAT), Sir Michael Fallon has announced two contracts worth almost £120 million.

 The deals will sustain 330 British jobs and help the RAF to continue to perform at its best by improving training for fast jet pilots and making sure the Hercules C-130J aircraft can continue to support the UK’s Armed Forces around the world.

Ground engineers seeing off an RAF C-130J. Crown copyright.The Defence Secretary Sir Michael Fallon, said:

“These contracts demonstrate our commitment to supporting the UK’s air power, through maintaining battle proven aircraft and training the next generation of fast jet pilots.

“This substantial investment will ensure our Air Force can continue to perform at its very best. Backed by our rising defence budget and £178 billion equipment plan, these contracts will sustain high skilled jobs in Britain and ensure that our Armed Forces have the best equipment and training available to keep the UK safe.”

The first contract, worth £110 million, is with British company Marshall Aerospace and Defence Group. It will replace the centre wing box for the RAF’s Hercules C-130J aircraft and will sustain 330 jobs in Cambridge, contributing to the 5,100 UK jobs Marshall already support in the region.

This replacement will extend the Hercules C-130J aircraft’s out of service date to 2035, making sure this essential aircraft can continue to transport personnel and equipment around the world, having previously supported defence and humanitarian relief efforts in Iraq, Nepal and South Sudan.

The MOD has also signed a £9.5 million contract with QinetiQ to provide Typhoon pilots with the latest cockpit technology to prepare them for front line combat.

With the nature of global conflict ever evolving, it’s vital that the Armed Forces are trained effectively to deal with a variety of scenarios. This technical update will give Typhoon crews based at RAF Lossiemouth and RAF Coningsby the ability to link to the Air Battlespace Training Centre at RAF Waddington and undertake 10 weeks of simulated battle training a year in the latest cockpit and simulated training technology.

The trainee aircrew will be exposed to state-of-the-art, simulated battlefield situations and the training facilitators can develop scenarios, provide mission management support and post mission debriefs, ensuring the crews will be best prepared for deployment.

https://www.gov.uk/government/news/defence-secretary-announces-120m-investment-in-uk-air-power

Standing Up New Maritime Patrol Aircraft Squadrons in the UK

2017-07-16 The UK Defence Secretary has announced the numbers of the UK’s two new Maritime Patrol Aircraft squadrons and the first commanding officer.

Nine new P-8A Poseidon Maritime Patrol Aircraft will be operated by number 120 Squadron and number 201 Squadron from RAF Lossiemouth in Moray.

120 Squadron was the RAF’s highest scoring anti-submarine unit in the Second World War with 14 kills. 201 Squadron can trace its origins back to the formation of No 1 Squadron, Royal Naval Air Service in 1914. Wing Commander James Hanson will oversee the formation of 120 Squadron from April 2018. 201 Squadron will form in 2021.

  In preparation of the ISTAR Force Commander Visit to RAF Lossiemouth on the 13 July 2017, Wing Commander James Hanson (Officer Commanding First P-8A Poseidon Squadron) and his crew had a group and individual photograph in front of the US Navy P-8A Poseidon Aircraft which arrived at RAF Lossiemouth on the 11 July. Pictured Left to Right: Master Air Crew Mark Utting, Squadron Leader Mark Faulds, Wing Commander James Hanson, Squadron Leader Ian Tuff, Master Air Crew Paul O’Flaherty.
Crown Copyright

The aircraft’s key role will be to help protect the UK’s submarine-deployed nuclear deterrent and its two new aircraft carriers.

The UK Government is investing £3 billion over the next decade in its Maritime Patrol Aircraft capability.

Defence Secretary Sir Michael Fallon said:

“Our nine new Poseidon aircraft are part of our plan to monitor and deal with increased threats to our country.

“They can operate at long range without refuelling and have the endurance to carry out high and low-level airborne maritime and overland surveillance for extended periods, helping keep us safe.

“The P-8A aircraft will allow us to work more closely with our allies, improve our surveillance coverage and will provide value for taxpayers’ money.” 

 The Chief of the Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal Sir Stephen Hillier said:

 “Today is an important milestone in the P-8A Poseidon programme which will bring to the Royal Air Force an unrivalled maritime patrol capability.

“The advanced state-of-the-art sensors aboard the P-8A will provide global protection to UK, NATO and our Allies’ submarines and warships, and enhance and complement the UK’s standing search and rescue responsibilities.

 “It is also a great pleasure to welcome back 120 and 201 Squadrons.

“Both have long and distinguished records serving in the maritime role and together they will help forge the next generation Royal Air Force.”

 Poseidon will add to the UK’s surveillance capabilities and is designed to conduct anti-submarine and anti-surface warfare, search and rescue and intelligence gathering.

“They can carry torpedoes and anti-shipping missiles.”

 As a leading members of NATO, the UK Ministry of Defence has already signed agreements with the US and Norwegian militaries to cooperate closely on operating their P-8A aircraft across the North Atlantic.

With the first aircraft due to arrive in the UK in 2020, the RAF has maintained its Maritime Patrol Aircraft skills by embedding aircrew within MPA squadrons of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA.

 Poseidon will bring wider economic benefits with an additional 400+ service personnel to be located at RAF Lossiemouth, where £400m is also being invested in new support infrastructure for the aircraft.

 As the Poseidon P-8A is based on the Boeing 737, it will help support several hundred direct UK jobs, and create opportunities for UK firms to bid for training and support contracts.

https://www.gov.uk/government/news/defence-secretary-announces-new-maritime-patrol-aircraft-squadrons

See also the following articles:

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/shaping-a-21st-century-base-raf-lossiemouth-and-the-coming-of-the-p-8/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/preparing-the-way-ahead-joint-warrior-2017/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/raf-lossiemouth-and-the-p-8-center-of-coalition-maritime-domain-awareness-strike-capability/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/keeping-skill-sets-alive-while-waiting-for-a-replacement-aircraft-from-nimrod-to-p-8/

Air Vice-Marshal Warren McDonald Heads New Joint Capabilities Group

07/15/2017

2017-07-15 According to an article published on July 3, 2017 on the Australian Department of Defence website:

The newly formed Joint Capabilities Group (JCG) is now open for business under command of the inaugural Chief of Joint Capabilities, Air Vice-Marshal Warren McDonald.

Responsible for managing raise-train-sustain functions of the Australian Defence Force’s critical joint capabilities and military enablers, the Joint Capabilities Group has assumed responsibility for Joint Health Command, Joint Logistics Command, the Australian Defence College and the newly formed Information Warfare Division.

The Joint Capabilities Group is one of the key outcomes arising from the 2015 First Principles Review which recommend changes to the existing Defence Headquarters to support a more integrated approach to complement the Services’ responsibilities.

It’s the second phase in the Australian Defence Force Headquarters (ADFHQ) Implementation Program.

ADFHQ was established in April with the appointment of Brigadier Georgeina Whelan as Chief of Staff.

The new ADFHQ construct and the appointment of the Chief of Joint Capabilities and the Chief of Staff ADFHQ will allow the Vice Chief of the Defence Force to adopt a more strategic role.

Air Vice-Marshal McDonald is currently undertaking a 100 day review to inform further the ADFHQ’s ongoing development.

https://news.defence.gov.au/media/media-releases/new-joint-capabilities-group-opens-business

For earlier interviews with Air Vice Marshal McDonald, see the following:

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/air-vice-marshal-mcdonald-views-the-way-ahead-for-the-raaf-in-the-joint-operations-space/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/the-impact-of-new-platforms-on-the-way-ahead-air-vice-marshal-warren-mcdonald-focuses-on-shaping-air-force-transformation/

 

 

The Evolving Indian-Russian Relationship

07/13/2017

2017-07-13 By Brig (Retd) Gurmeet Kanwal

New Delhi

Defence Ministers Arun Jaitley and General Sergey Shoigu jointly chaired the 17th meeting of the India-Russia Inter-governmental Commission on Military-technical Cooperation on June 21-23, 2017, at Moscow.

The two sides agreed on a roadmap and signed a protocol to take defence cooperation to a higher level through the joint development of future weapons systems and military equipment, enhanced joint training and the exchange of visits.

Indications are that India will acquire arms and equipment worth $10.5 billion from Russia including “five S-400 Triumf advanced air defence missile systems, four Grigorivich-class frigates and 200 Kamov-226T light helicopters.”

Russia will also lease a second nuclear-powered submarine (SSN) to India after INS Chakra.

The Indian Defence Minister invited Russian companies to participate in defence manufacture in India as part of the Government’s “Make in India” policy.

Strategic Partnership

The meeting helped to arrest the recent drift in the relationship that has been described as a “special and privileged” strategic partnership since 2000.

India’s new policy to diversify its sources of defence procurement, especially its reliance on western weapons platforms had not been received well in Russia and the relationship had tended to deteriorate into a transactional rather than a strategic one.

The relationship with Russia goes back to the time India got its independence.

The erstwhile Soviet Union and its successor state Russia have stood by India on Jammu and Kashmir over several difficult decades. One-sided UN Security Council resolutions on J&K sponsored by Pakistan’s friends were vetoed by the Russians many times. The Indo-Soviet treaty of “Peace, Friendship and Cooperation”, signed before the 1971 War with Pakistan over liberation of Bangladesh, stood India in good stead.

Though the agreement was not a military alliance, India was deliberately perceived by the United States (US) and its western allies to have joined the Soviet camp.

The 1971 agreement, signed in the scenario of US sending its 7th Fleet led by aircraft carrier Enterprise against India was stated to have signalled the de facto end of non-alignment, which John Foster Dulles, US Secretary of State (1953-59), had called “immoral”.

It wasn’t really so.

That is why, despite the Soviet help in building the Indian Navy’s Vishakhapatnam facility, particularly to house submarines, Moscow’s request for basing rights was turned down by the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

As part of its foreign policy, India also did not lag behind in supporting the Soviet or Russian positions.

The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in December 1979. India was privately opposed to the ill-conceived intervention as it brought the Cold War to India’s neighborhood. However, because of the long-standing strategic relationship with the Soviets, India opted not to condemn the invasion publicly and officially moderated it with the word intervention.”

When Indira Gandhi became the Prime Minister again in January 1980, she is known to have insisted on nonalignment, and so to Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin.

India is closer to the Russian position on Iran’s violation of its Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) commitments than to the US approach of imposing sanctions and holding out military threats.

A negative aspect though has been that the New Delhi and Moscow have failed to cooperate on peace and stability in Afghanistan despite shared interests.

Impact of Asian Geopolitics

The collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and the consequent end of the Cold War led to the emergence of a unipolar world order with the US as the sole super power.

In the mid-1990s, Boris Yeltsin’s Russia and Jiang Zemin’s China repeatedly made joint statements favoring a “multipolar world,” while denouncing “unipolar domination.”

In the post-Cold War era of strategic uncertainty, Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov floated the idea of the China-India-Russia “strategic triangle” in December 1998.

However, China was uninterested and India’s stand was one of ambivalence.

At that time, China had only recently opened up to the US and was building a strong business relationship.

It was following Deng Xiao Ping’s doctrine of “strategic patience”, expressed in the well-known 24-character” strategy to “hide your capacity, bide your time…” China gradually began to integrate itself with the global economy under the cloak of its self-proclaimed “peaceful rise”.

However, China simultaneously launched a large-scale drive for military modernisation and this made its Asian neighbours wary of its growing power and influence, some of them describing this as ominous. Some of them also see the US as a declining power and have begun to hedge their bets. (The recent developments in China claiming territorial rights along most of its neighbourhood are worrying for most).

Russia has been apprehensive of NATO’s creep forward policy, moves towards an enlarged European Union, the planned forward deployment of ballistic missiles defence – ostensibly aimed at Iran but of equal effectiveness against Russian nuclear-tipped missiles, and the proactive wooing of erstwhile Soviet states like Ukraine.

The era of “Cold Peace” has dawned over Eastern Europe and Putin’s Russia has begun to gradually drift towards China and its only military ally Pakistan.

However, it is a relationship on the rebound and remains unrequited.

Due to Russia’s apprehension about China’s military assertiveness, the China-Russia strategic partnership is unlikely to gather momentum despite the US “pivot” or strategy of re-balancing to the Indo-Pacific and the growing India-US strategic partnership.

Defence Technology Cooperation

India’s acquisition of weapons and defence equipment from Russia has been the most enduring part of the India-Russia strategic partnership.

Almost 70 per cent of India’s defence acquisitions are still sourced from abroad, mainly from Russia.

Russia had provided several high-tech weapons platforms to India when India was still subject to technology denial regimes.

Civil nuclear cooperation between the two countries has a long history. Russia gave India nuclear submarines on lease and provided assistance for the development of the cryogenic rocket engine as well as for India’s indigenous Nuclear-propelled Nuclear-armed (SSBN) Arihant.

In the 1980s, State-of-the-art fighter-bombers, including the MiG-25 strategic reconnaissance aircraft, were sold to India. The two countries cooperated on the Russian GPS satellite system called GLONASS. The Russians had offered India the S-300/S-300V BMD system as far back as the mid-1990s.

During the December 2014 summit meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, Russia had agreed to supply 12 nuclear power reactors over the next 20 years.

Russia also supports India’s quest for membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) and related groups.

The Soviet Union sold hi-tech weapons and defence equipment to India at “friendship prices” and on the basis of barter trade as India did not have sufficient foreign exchange reserves.

However, military-technical cooperation remained a buyer-seller, patron-client relationship.

While fighter aircraft and tanks were manufactured under license in India, no transfer of technology (ToT) ever took place and India’s defence technology base remained low.

The co-production of the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile is the only example of a successful joint venture.

The decline of Russia’s defence industry — production had declined by almost 90 per cent in five years – after the collapse of the Soviet Union had an adverse impact on India’s defence procurement.

India found it difficult to obtain spare parts, get its equipment overhauled and seek upgrades.

There were unacceptable time and cost overruns in executing pending orders. The five-year delay and the three-fold cost escalation in the acquisition of INS Vikramaditya (Admiral Gorshkov) aircraft carrier is a typical example.

Now these challenges are gradually being overcome, but the Russian defence industry has fallen behind the West in the development of cutting-edge weapons technologies.

A new concern is about the techno-commercial feasibility of the joint development and production of the Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) tentatively called PAK-FA or SukhoiT-50.

There is still no agreement on its engine, a key component.

The Indian perspective for future defence technology cooperation will be shaped by Mr Modi’s drive to “Make in India” with ToT.

Russian OEMs will need to demonstrate their competitiveness in market-oriented ways – as the western companies do – and enter into strategic partnerships by way of joint ventures (JVs) with Indian public and private sector companies to bid for future contracts in keeping with the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) 2016.

If they are nimble enough to rival the western MNCs, India-Russia military-technical coop will have a bright future.

The author is Distinguished Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi.

Editor’s Note: This article is republished with the permission of our partner India Strategic.

http://www.indiastrategic.in/2017/07/09/india-russia-ties-strategic-partnership-to-transactional-relationship/

 

 

Israeli Air Force Graduation, 2017

07/12/2017

2017-07-12 In a recent article by Yissachar Ruas, the recent Israeli Air Force graduation was highlighted.

In a piece published on July 11, 2017 in the Aviation Photography Digest, Ruas noted:

“The last week marked another IAF graduation at Hatzerim AFB.

“This class, numbered at 174 includes two female aviators being designated for helicopter training and transport respectively.

“As is the local custom, the awarding of wings was followed by a short but very potent live fire exercise….

“This year’s demo commemorated 50 years since the 6 Day War, which saw the IAF launch a pre-emptive air strike against the Pan Arab Coalition of forces, staving off the annihilation of the Jewish state…

“Closing out the show was the IAF’s newest acquisition the F-35 showing off with a pretty exciting display.”

US Navy Participates in Malabar 2017

2017-07-12 According to an article published by our partner India Strategic, the US Navy is participating in a significant manner in the Malabar 2017 exercise.

Malabar 2017 is the latest in a continuing series of exercises that has grown in scope and complexity over the years to address the variety of shared threats to maritime security in the Indo-Asia Pacific.

The exercise will feature both ashore and at-sea training.

While ashore in Chennai, training will include subject matter expert and professional exchanges on carrier strike group operations, maritime patrol and reconnaissance operations, surface and anti-submarine warfare, medical operations, damage control, explosive ordnance disposal (EOD), helicopter operations, and visit, board, search and seizure (VBSS) operations.

The at-sea portions will be conducted in the Bay of Bengal and are designed to advance participating nations’ military-to-military coordination and capacity to plan and execute tactical operations in a multinational environment.

Events planned during the at-sea portions include liaison officer professional exchanges and embarks; a photo exercise; submarine familiarization; high-value unit defense; air defense exercises; medical evacuation drills; surface warfare exercises; communications exercises; search and rescue exercises; helicopter cross-deck evolutions; underway replenishments; gunnery exercises; VBSS exercises; and anti-submarine warfare.

Participants from the U.S. Navy include the Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Nimitz (CVN 68) with embarked Carrier Air Wing 11; the guided-missile cruiser USS Princeton (CG 59); guided-missile destroyers USS Howard (DDG 83), USS Shoup (DDG 86), and USS Kidd (DDG 100); a P-8A Poseidon aircraft; and a Los Angeles-class fast-attack submarine.

South African Defense and the Decline of South African Defense Industry

2017-07-12 According to an article published by our partner defenceWeb on July 4, 2017:

The arrival of democracy in South Africa has not been kind to the country’s defence industry which has seen a drop in turnover of more R12 billion from 1989/90 when it stood at R31,6 billion to last year’s R19 billion (measured in 2016 Rand value) according to the draft Defence Industry Strategy document.

The more than 200 page document which is currently circulating for comment and input points out that with the exception of the 1999 Strategic Defence Procurement Packages (SDPPs) and “a small number of major projects the erosion of defence funding in real terms has continued since then with government funds channelled to address real and urgent socio-economic needs”…..

The biggest loser in this regard is the SA Army with most of its prime mission equipment “becoming obsolescent or even obsolete and key capability gaps emerging just as it is set to face more challenging tasks”. A lack of close-in anti-tank bunker weapons, air defence systems, air transportable combat and logistic vehicles and logistic vehicles to support mechanised forces are given as example of what the landward force needs.

The SA Air Force (SAAF) lacks a full range of precision weapons for fighters and combat helicopters, has no “serious maritime operations capability” as well as no airlift to support regional missions such as the African Standby Force (ASF) and the African Capability for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC).

The maritime service of the SANDF lacks adequate numbers of ships to meet current and envisioned regional commitment and lacks sealift to support regional missions according to the document.