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2014-07-28 In a piece published in Stars and Stripes on July 27, 2014, Brigadier General “Stick” Rudder provides his perspective on the MV-22 in the Pacific.
The MV-22B Osprey, a tilt-rotor aircraft that takes off and lands like a helicopter, has operated in the Asia-Pacific theater for nearly two years, and with it has come amazing benefits for the Japan-U.S. alliance and for partner nations where the Osprey operates…..
Ospreys have served across the world, in combat and humanitarian situations including service in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Haiti and many other places. Finally, beginning the replacement in October 2012 and completing it last year, the very newest and best Ospreys — with highly trained and experienced pilots, crews and maintenance teams — came to Okinawa, putting the best and most modern equipment we have to offer in Japan where they can best serve the people of Japan and the region as a whole.The reason for the leap in capability is seen when you look at what the Osprey can do compared with the older Sea Knight it replaced. The Osprey can travel twice as fast, carry three times as much, and go four times farther than the Sea Knight. In addition, it can refuel in midair, extending its range indefinitely.
An MV-22B Osprey with Marine Medium Helicopter Squadron 262, refuels mid-air en route to the Singapore Air Show, Feb. 6, 2014. Three Ospreys from VMM-262 and two KC-130J Super Hercules planes of VMGR-152, part of the 1st Marine Air Wing, III Marine Expeditionary Force, based out of Okinawa, Japan, are participating in the Singapore Air Show 2014.III MEF, 2/6/14
This is not just a strategic benefit for the Japan-U.S. alliance; it is also a considerable benefit for Okinawa, where some of the Ospreys in the Asia-Pacific theater operate. One benefit to having such a long flight range is the ability to regularly go outside Okinawa prefecture for exercises and training events, increasing our ability to partner with regional allies and friends while giving the pilots valuable training experience.
That reduces the amount of time the Ospreys spend on Okinawa. For well over a year, Ospreys have been used during training in mainland Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Australia, Guam and across the seas as they deployed aboard the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit. Local residents on Okinawa have told us that they do not see nearly as many Ospreys around as they used to see Sea Knights! It is not because they are not being utilized, but because they are being used so much more and farther away from Okinawa. With the Sea Knight, that could not be done because of their limited range.
As an example of the capability benefits brought by the Osprey, during Operation Tomodachi our Sea Knights responded to northeastern Japan. They took approximately three days to reach the region, having to refuel and island-hop the entire way. Had Ospreys been stationed on Okinawa at the time, the response time would have been much faster.
In fact, during Operation Damayan, Ospreys flew about the same distance — 1,118 miles — to the Philippines in three hours. The Ospreys evacuated 1,200 people and delivered more than 20 tons of supplies to remote areas where neither traditional airplanes nor helicopters could reach. That gives you an idea of the tremendous capability the Osprey brings.
Simply put, the Osprey can respond faster and farther to any situation where we might be called, including our most frequent mission — humanitarian assistance and disaster response. The Osprey is the ideal aircraft to respond to a disaster or any remote area because it can go so far and fast, carry a great deal of supplies or personnel, and it does not need a runway to land.
For the remainder of the article please visit the Stars and Stripes website:
12/06/2013: U.S. Marine Corps Brig. Gen. Steven R. Rudder, 1st Marine Aircraft Wing (1st MAW) Commanding General, takes off from Andersen AFB, Guam, in an EA-6B Prowler, assigned to Marine Tactical Electronic Warfare Squadron (VMAQ)-2, on 4 December 2013.
VMAQ-2is currently assigned to Marine Aircraft Group 12, 1st MAW, under the unit deployment program.Training in Guam and within the Maraina Island Range Complex improves aviation combat readiness and simulates operations in a deployed environment.
During my visit to 2nd Marine Air Wing in June 2014, I had a chance to meet with several of the members of the VMGR-252 squadron.
In this interview, Major Mark Hamilton, the Operations Officer of the Squadron, talked about the significant demand on the crew to be able to provide for the flexibility demonstrated by the aircraft and essential to USMC expeditionary operations.
Preparing the Simulator for KC-130J Training at VMG-252. Credit Photo: SLD
As Admiral Nimitz confronted the last century’s challenges he concluded a core lesson for this century’s Pacific warriors:
“Having confronted the Imperial Japanese Navy’s skill, energy, persistence, and courage, Nimitz identified the key to victory: ‘training, TRAINING and M-O-R-E T-R-A-I-N-I-N-G.’ as quoted in Neptunes’s Inferno, The U.S. Navy at Guadalcanal (James D. Hornfischer)”
In the discussion with Major Hamilton, the significant demand which the KC-130J placed on training of the crew, understood as a continuous process of certification and recertification.
As Major Hamilton put it: “It is a highly flexible platform. But to maintain that flexibility requires constant training. You need to train for all the missions and be able to move rapidly from support and execution of battlefield illumination, long range tanking, air drops, or close air support in the case of Harvest Hawk.”
Major Mark Hamilton. Credit Photo: SLD
He emphasized that it was a question of learning and re-certifying for each of these missions and having the ability to flip among them in order for the KC-130J to be used in a flexible manner to support the deployed force.
“For example, with regard to flight codes you have 90 days to re-certify for air drop missions and 365 days for battlefield illumination.”
The Harvest Hawk mission introduced a new demand set for the KC-130J crew, namely close air support. The community could draw upon the USMC core competencies for CAS but before Harvest Hawk this competency was not a central piece of the KC-130J mission set.
“We can provide loiter time plus speed that neither fast jets nor UAVs can provide. We give the ground commander another option, namely an asset faster than a UAV with more loiter time than a fast jet.
This option obviously can operate only in a situation of air dominance, and be used in areas where it is appropriate.
But it provides the Marines with another option for the ground commander.”
For a look at the various skill sets and training requirements see the following:
First of all I would like to thank you, Sven, for your kind introduction. I also want to convey my gratitude to your staff for organizing this event. The cooperation between IFS and the Ministry of Defense is long-standing, and we benefit from the expertise that this institute possesses.
Introduction
Ladies and gentlemen,
Today – May 12th 2014 – is a day worth remembering.
The Norwegian frigate KNM Fridtjof Nansen departs for the Pacific to participate in world’s largest international maritime warfare exercise RIMPAC.
This is the first time Norwegian armed forces participate in the RIMPAC exercise, which was arranged for the first time in 1971.
Our participation in this year’s RIMPAC Exercise is not a coincidence. It is a result of hard work over a long period of time. I would like to direct a special thank you to our dedicated personnel in the Royal Norwegian Navy and at the Norwegian Embassy in Washington DC. Thanks to your efforts Norway is attending RIMPAC 2014, an exercise that is of important strategic significance for our country.
The Policy Framework
Norwegian participation in RIMPAC is not only a question of one ally participating in another’s exercise. It is an issue that is broader and more fundamental. The decision to participate must be seen in light of my government’s overall security policy.
My government´s policy is founded on the principle that NATO and Article 5 of the Washington Treaty is the key to Norwegian security and defense policy. The collective commitments and capabilities that NATO provides are fundamental. However, NATO is far more than a military alliance – it is a transatlantic political community of shared values.
The Alliance is based on the fundamental idea that liberal democracies – based on their shared values – have decided that our security is stronger when we cooperate collectively. The strength of this simple – yet fundamental – idea was proven during the Cold War. However, it also holds true today. In fact, I believe that the recent events in the Ukraine demonstrate the value of NATO as a political community based on common values.
The transatlantic dimension of NATO lies at its very core. The transatlantic security partnership would not be possible had it not been institutionalized through NATO. By the same token – the success of NATO depends on strong transatlantic ties. In particular, US engagement and leadership in Europe.
My government has – since we took office last October – emphasized the significance of a strong transatlantic relationship. This is important not only for Norwegian security, but for the security of the entire Euro-Atlantic area and for global stability.
PEARL HARBOR (June 30, 2014) Royal Norwegian Navy Sailors Madeleine Bernhardsen and Christer Loyland perform evening colors aboard the Nansen-class anti-submarine warfare frigate, HNoMS Fridtjof Nansen (F 310) while participating in Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) Exercise 2014. Credit: USN
A further aspect of our policy is the desire to strengthen the bilateral cooperation between Norway and the US.
The combination of a strong transatlantic security relationship – institutionalized through NATO – and a strong bilateral relationship with US, lies at the core of Norwegian security.
I am glad to say that our bilateral relationship is very good. We have three bilateral agreements for pre-positioning of equipment, with the US Navy, the US Air Force and the US Marine Corps, respectively.
All our military services have strong ties to the US, and the relationships grow stronger year by year. This includes cooperation regarding equipment, education, training and exercises as well as joint participation in military operations.
I should also mention that the cooperation between our special forces is increasing significantly. However – as with the transatlantic relationship – our bilateral relations cannot be taken for granted. It requires continuous nurturing, and it requires real commitments with real capabilities. So – even if the relationship today is extremely good – my government will continue to invest in our relationship with the US and make it even stronger.
Now that I have described the overall policy context, let me in more detail outline why Norway is participating in RIMPAC – and how this supports my government´s policy.
There are 4 key factors in explaining why participation in RIMPAC is in our interest
Firstly, this is a matter of strengthening our ability to operate together with key allies and partners.
This goes for the US in particular, but RIMPAC also gives us an opportunity to strengthen relations with nations that we have had little defense cooperation with in the past.
For example Japan, South Korea, India and Australia. As is the case for Norway, China will also participate in the exercise for the first time in 2014.
Close bilateral cooperation fosters mutual there by, increases overall military capability and thus ensures strengthened mutual security. Sending a frigate to RIMPAC is a unique opportunity to forge not only closer relations between our Navy and the US, but also with other partnering navies.
The ability to provide mutual security and collective defense depends on us being able to operate jointly. These critical skills, abilities and capabilities are gained by training and exercising together.
Norway needs to be present where these activities take place, be that in Europe or further away.
I firmly believe that the experiences gained and the lessons learned in exercises such as RIMPAC, will be beneficial to our ability to conduct collective security operations closer to Norwegian shores.
Secondly, we need to look at this within a broader transatlantic framework – including the need for better burden-sharing.
We can no longer take the transatlantic relationship for granted. And we cannot take US commitment to European security for granted.
I do not doubt or question US commitment to Article V. Rather, I am proposing that a robust transatlantic relationship – so crucial for our mutual security – requires nourishment. It needs engagement and investment from both sides. I would argue that Europe – unfortunately – has not lived up to its commitments. I mentioned earlier that we cannot take the US for granted.
I also firmly believe that Europe can not go on expecting the US to shoulder in excess of 70% of defense expenditure in NATO. The key to better burden-sharing – and a sustainable foundation for the future of transatlantic cooperation – is for Europe to do more.
My point is that burden-sharing encompasses more than defense budgets.
It is also a matter of demonstrating political will to engage in those areas that affect the security of other allies.
That is indeed the true nature of collective security. For too long transatlantic security cooperation has been about what the US can and should do for European security.
However, mutual security goes both ways. That means that Europe needs to be willing to engage in those areas where the US has security interests.
Our contribution with our frigate to RIMPAC is a way of signaling that we stand ready to support the US, also in areas far away from European shores.
Norway stands ready to do our part to strengthen the transatlantic relationship.
PEARL HARBOR (July 25, 2014) Royal Norwegian Navy frigate HNoMS Fridtjof Nansen (F 310) arrives at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam in preparation for the Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) 2014 exercise. Credit Photo: USN
A further aspect of our policy is the desire to strengthen the bilateral cooperation between Norway and the US.
The combination of a strong transatlantic security relationship – institutionalized through NATO – and a strong bilateral relationship with US, lies at the core of Norwegian security. I am glad to say that our bilateral relationship is very good.
We have three bilateral agreements for pre-positioning of equipment, with the US Navy, the US Air Force and the US Marine Corps, respectively.
All our military services have strong ties to the US, and the relationships grow stronger year by year. This includes cooperation regarding equipment, education, training and exercises as well as joint participation in military operations.
I should also mention that the cooperation between our special forces is increasing significantly.
However – as with the transatlantic relationship – our bilateral relations cannot be taken for granted. It requires continuous nurturing, and it requires real commitments with real capabilities. So – even if the relationship today is extremely good – my government will continue to invest in our relationship with the US and make it even stronger.
The third point I would make is that the Asia-Pacific is of strategic importance to Norway.
Indeed, developments in this part of the world will have global effects. I have said before that we can not take security and stability in Europe for granted.
The events in Ukraine during the past few months serve as a stark reminder of this.
That is why I have argued for a reinvigorated NATO, that places more emphasis on collective defense, deterrence and re-assurance.
However, we need to realize the immense significance of the developments in the Asia-Pacific. The rise of China, unresolved territorial claims and rising nationalism in the region are important drivers. I believe that these issues will be resolved peacefully. At the same time, I understand the US need to focus more of its attention in this direction.
What happens in the Asia-Pacific affects us all. Norway is not a key player, nor do we aspire to play a large role. One frigate in one exercise will in and of itself not be crucial.
However, there can be no doubt that it is in the strategic interest of Norway to gain better insight into these developments.
Furthermore, it is no coincidence that we are sending a contribution to a maritime exercise. Norway’s wealth – in fact the very foundation of our society – is dependent on free access to the world’s waterways and oceans. President John F. Kennedy once said: “All of us have in our veins the exact same percentage of salt in our blood that exists in the ocean, and, therefore, we have salt in our blood, in our sweat, in our tears. We are tied to the ocean”.
This certainly holds true for Norway and Norwegians. Freedom of navigation and freedom of passage – and the upholding of the rule of law on the seas – is our lifeblood. As maritime nation, it is in our interest to work collaboratively with allies and partners in the maritime domain. In this regards, RIMPAC is an excellent opportunity.
Fourthly, our participation allows us to show-case the superior abilities of our Navy, both in terms of technology and personnel.
Our Fridtjof Nansen-class with the Aegis system is an extremely versatile platform. Just during the past year, our frigates have been involved in counterpiracy operations in the Gulf of Aden – where our ship was also the command vessel for the NATO force. They have contributed to the removal by sea of chemical agents from Syria, and they have been patrolling off our coast – including in Arctic waters.
Now our frigate will be participating in a large, complex multinational exercise with partners and Allies literally on the other side of the world. And in a climate that – to put it mildly – differs significantly from what we are used to at home. The distances travelled and the diverging nature of the missions is truly worthy of reflection.
This upcoming mission to participate in RIMPAC demonstrates not only the versatility of the platform itself, but also the superior abilities of the crews. And I would urge Rear Admiral Saunes to convey my admiration and gratitude to the remarkable men and women of the Norwegian Navy.
Furthermore, we will use the opportunity in RIMPAC to demonstrate how the Norwegian defense industry is a global leader within certain critical areas.
For one we will showcase the unique capabilities of the Norwegian Naval Strike Missile. During the exercise, Fridtjof Nansen will visit the Pacific Missile Range where the frigate will fire a live Naval Strike Missile (NSM). We also look forward to demonstrating our Sea Protector system, designed for close-area protection of the vessel. These are examples of how Norwegian industrial interests also will benefit from our participation.
Conclusion
In conclusion, some might call it a paradox that we send KNM Fridtjof Nansen 10 000 miles around the globe to participate in an exercise. However, our decision to take part in this year´s RIMPAC exercise is based on a number of strategically important factors.
These include security policy, military cooperation and commercial interests.
The bottom line is that our participation in RIMPAC strengthens the collective security of NATO, our mutual security with the US and it also strengthens Norwegian security. The world is changing rapidly, and we are faced with an ever-wider variety of security challenges.
Geographical distance, no matter how large, is no longer a protection against these challenges.
The only way to approach this new security environment is in a collective manner. As allies – either in Europe or in North America – that means we have to be willing to look beyond our own neighborhood. That is the very essence of collective defense, and that is why we believe that Norway participating in RIMPAC is so important.
It started with a crisis in Ukraine; it then became a Russian invasion of Ukraine and “taking back its legitimate territory” from the Putin-led Russian perspective.
It has continued with an intermittently savage conflict on Ukrainian territory with Russia ratcheting up pressure and fostered in part by so-called “Russian separatists” working to reduce further the size of the territory controlled by the government in Kiev.
This is Russian map re-writing at work.
With a swift destruction of a Malaysian airliner purportedly by the use of surface to air missiles shot from Ukrainian territory, the threat of manpads now seen in terms of its more sophisticated brother has become a reality chilling the global aviation industry and providing a new chapter in the Russian-Ukrainian crisis.
The loss of thousands of manpads from the Odyssey Dawn intervention has been a lingering threat overhanging global aviation or evident in threats directly against the state of Israel,.
Now a more sophisticated surface-to-air missile capability in the hands of terrorists has had a global impact. Which terrorists – whether state-sponsored, state-supplied or even worse able to gain access to lethal weapons and training to pop a civil airliner – remains to be determined.
US President Barack Obama blamed Russia for creating the conditions which led to the doomed flight MH17 being shot down, as the disaster further fanned the flames of the worst East-West crisis since the Cold War.
Malaysia Airlines said 283 passengers and 15 crew were aboard the plane — including, at last count, 192 Dutch nationals, 44 Malaysians, 27 Australians and 12 Indonesians. Australia said 28 of its citizens were on board.
Obama cranked up political pressure on Putin as he presented the conclusions of US intelligence analysts about the “unspeakable” carnage.
“Evidence indicates that the plane was shot down by a surface-to-air missile that was launched from an area that is controlled by Russian-backed separatists inside of Ukraine,” Obama said.
He said previous attacks by separatists on government aircraft in Ukraine suggested rebels benefited from Russian technical expertise.
“A group of separatists can’t shoot down military transport planes, or, they claim, shoot down fighter jets without sophisticated equipment and sophisticated training, and that is coming from Russia,” Obama said.
Europe has been deeply divided over what to do in response the cascading regional crisis.
Europe has had its world cup break and a key European football power has shown its dominance, but to make a central point – what will its national governmental counterpart, Germany do?
What will the UK do?
What will France do?
What will Italy do?
And what will the European Union leadership do?
The most likely response will be to treat as a law enforcement issue that needs to be investigated and remedied, leaving aside the geopolitical realities of the festering crisis.
Igor Girkin, aka Strelko, a Russian separatist leader in the Ukraine. Credit Photo: Reuters
Leaving the U.S. aside for the purposes of this article, the Russians are playing the crisis assuming they have a strong European hand.
As long as they do, the United States can be characterized as the offshore power, trying to throw oil on the fire.
This is a classic Soviet technique, learned will by Putin, and being played out once again in different historical circumstances.
If one simply reviews political events of recent weeks in Europe, the question of whether Europe will take the latest manifestation seriously from a policy point of view remains on the table.
The EU has had elections and is trying to sort out the new leadership of the commission. One of the difficulties has been that “old” Europe and “new” Europe (to use the phrase coined by Rumsfeld and hated by most Europeans) have been deeply divided over the appointment of the Commissioner responsible for European foreign affairs.
According to a story by Valentina Pop in the European Observor and published on July 14t:
Italian foreign affairs minister Federica Mogherini has emerged as a frontrunner for the EU foreign affairs job, but eastern member states find her too Russia-friendly and have threatened to block her appointment.
Lithuanian Prime Minister Algirdas Butkevicius on Tuesday (15 July) was the first leader to go on the record against Mogherini.
“The Italian foreign minister’s candidacy will not be supported,” he told public broadcaster LRT. He added that his view is shared by Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite, who will represent his country at the EU summit in Brussels on Wednesday.
The Baltic states, as well as Poland and Bulgaria, have threatened to put the decision on the foreign affairs post to a vote. But in order to get a blocking minority, they would need the support of the other eastern countries – Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Romania, and the Czech Republic.
And that was before the Malaysian airliner became a pawn in the Ukrainian crisis.
Will this latest iteration of an “internal” Russian-Ukrainian affair become something other than an object of sanctions and simply distancing the crisis from the West?
Amazingly, the French government is on track to train Russians for a new warship built in France. This is beyond belief at this point.
According to Andrew Rettman of the European Observer, clearly the crisis puts an ever widening spotlight on the French deal with Russia.
A senior EU diplomat speaking off the record was more blunt.
He said France risks “international ridicule” if it goes ahead and described the Mistral as “an increasing factor of irritation inside the EU”.
“Putin has pursued a policy of dividing the US and the European Union, as well as the EU internally. This incident [the air disaster] is going to make it harder for him to do this”.
For his part, French President Francois Hollande did not mention the warship in his remarks about the air crash on Friday.
A French government source also indicated that France is keen to keep talk of the disaster separate from the arms deal.
“The most important priority right now is to shed light on what happened in this catastrophe … We should not turn away from this subject in order to discuss some hypothetical consequences, or to talk about subjects which are not really connected”, the source told EUobserver.
Inside France itself, opinion is divided.
Tatiana Kastoueva-Jean, a Russia analyst at the Paris-based think tank Ifri, said NGOs have held small protests in St. Nazaire.
But she added: “The French chambers of commerce have been doing what they can to make sure the contract is respected, saying that France needs to protect its commercial reputation on the world stage”.
And how will the terrorists who perpetrated this event and the role of Russia in triggering the entire crisis be dealt with?
Investigations, discussions and sanctions are all that seems to be on the table.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel on Friday (18 July) said Russia must acknowledge its share of responsibility in the Ukraine plane disaster.
“It is important to have an international investigation as soon as possible. There are many indications that the plane was shot down, so we have to take things very seriously,” Merkel said in Berlin during her traditional summer press conference.
She said she spoke to Russian President Vladimir Putin on Thursday night and that they have “very diverging opinions” about the situation in Ukraine.
EU leaders on Wednesday agreed to widen the sanctions regime to allow companies to be blacklisted. Merkel said “we will continue on this path”, especially after the plane crash.
“Those who shot the plane down must be brought to justice, that’s why an international inquiry is needed. It’s true that separatists are heavily armed and there is evidence that parts of this armament came from Russia. That is why the border regime is so important and for OSCE inspectors to be able to go and see what is coming across the border,” Merkel said.
She added that Germany is pushing within the OSCE (a European multilateral body) to widen the mandate, for instance to use surveillance drones over the Russian-Ukrainian border.
“But there was not much progress, and here it is Russia’s responsibility to move,” Merkel said.
Good luck with this approach Mrs. Merkel!
How about a clear and focused commitment on sharply reducing Germany trade with Russia or energy dependency?
And as for Russian intentions, the visit of Putin to the BRIC summit and the Chinese and Russian leaders touring of Latin America shows the concept of the neighborhood is expanding.
And here is one for the history books: remember Cuba in US and American realtions?
Russia’s return to Lourdes was confirmed by several sources in the Russian government.
Talks with Havana had been ongoing for several years, but Moscow upped the tempo at the beginning of this year.
Russian military chiefs held several meetings with their Cuban counterparts, and in the space of several months, the parties managed to smooth out all outstanding issues.
The arrangements were finalized during Russian President Vladimir Putin’s recent visit to Havana.
At the same time, Moscow wrote off 90 percent of Cuba’s debt to the tune of roughly $32 billion.
The significance of the agreement on Lourdes is hard to overstate.
Situated just over 150 miles from the coast of the U.S., it enabled the Soviet Union to monitor much of the radio traffic of the “potential enemy.”
For now, however, the Russian Defense Ministry and the General Staff (which will command the center) have yet to issue an official comment.
Sounds like a power in retreat and recalcitrant, doesn’t it?
Editor’s Note: For our look at France, Russia and the Mistral see the following:
According to a July 20, 2014 article published by Radio Free Europe (interesting that the name still is around!):
Shortly before reports surfaced that a Malaysian Airlines Boeing 777 had crashed in eastern Ukraine, a social media site purported to belong to a separatist leader claimed that insurgents had shot down an aircraft.
In a post on VKontakte, Russia’s largest social media site, which has since been taken down, separatist leader Igor Girkin, aka Strelkov, wrote: “In the vicinity of Torez, we just downed a plane, an AN-26. It is lying somewhere in the Progress Mine. We have issued warnings not to fly in our airspace. We have video confirming. The bird fell on a waste heap. Residential areas were not hit. Civilians were not injured.”
The AN-26 is a Soviet-built twin-engine transport plane used by the Ukrainian military. Torez is a small city of 80,000 located some 40 kilometers east of Donetsk. Included in the post were two videos that showed a rising plume of black smoke in the distance.
The claim was posted at 5:50 pm Moscow time, shortly before reports surfaced that the Malaysian civilian aircraft, on a flight from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur, had crashed in eastern Ukraine in the same area near the Russian border.
A Ukrainian Interior Ministry adviser, Anton Herashchenko, claimed the plane had been shot down by a ground-to-air missile.
Andrei Purgin, the self-styled first vice premier of the unrecognized Donetsk People’s Republic, told Interfax the separatists do not have weapons that could shoot down a plane flying at an altitude of 10,000 meters.
Both Ukrainian and Russian authorities have denied shooting down the Malaysian passenger aircraft.
For an overview on the broader response needed to get real about Russia and its intentions and actions see the following:
2014-07-22 Standing 400 feet tall, the new Acuity Insurance Flagpole is the tallest flagpole in North America. (#tallestusflag)
Located on the Acuity Insurance headquarters campus in Sheboygan, Wisconsin, along Interstate 43 between Milwaukee and Green Bay, the pole supports a 60-foot-wide by 120-foot-long American flag.
Located at the base of the flagpole is a brick paver patio featuring the names of Sheboygan County residents killed in active duty.
Flagpole Facts:
400-foot flagpole weighs approximately 420,000 pounds
There are two versions of the 60- by 120-foot flag:
– 220 pound flag is flown during normal conditions
– 350 pound flag is flown during harsher weather
Each star is 3 feet high and each stripe is 4 1/2 feet wide
680 cubic yards of concrete used in foundation
Over 500 gallons of paint cover the pole
11-foot diameter at base tapers to 5 1/2-foot diameter at top
Three pendulum-style tuned mass dampers reduce movement and vibration
Designed to withstand a low temperature of -42°F
For more videos, images, and information visit the Acuity Flagpole project page.
The Libyan Air Force has lost an Il-76 transport aircraft to fighting by rival militias at Tripoli’s international airport, while dozens of other aircraft have been damaged or destroyed.
On July 16 a Libyan Air Force Il-76T parked on the apron was hit by a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) during fighting between rival militias. The aircraft subsequently caught fire and burnt, with only the tail section surviving.
Other Libyan government aircraft that have fallen victim to crossfire include a Libyan Border Patrol Agusta A109E Power, which was destroyed during a rocket attack on July 14.
Another A109E, parked next to it, was damaged, and a nearby Libyan Police AW139 received minor damage, according to Air Forces Daily.
Damaged A330 at Tripoli airport. Credit: defenceWeb
Fighting between militia forces for control of the airport began on July 13 and has killed at least 50 people and injured over 120. Mortar rounds, rockets and tank fire hit the airport and its buildings, with fighting peaking on Sunday. The control tower and other infrastructure was badly damaged.
The fighting has caused the airport to be shut down and flights cancelled and due to damage, the airport could be closed for months.
A large number of aircraft that were parked at the airport have been destroyed, with the Tripoli International Airport administration claiming that 21 aircraft have been destroyed in the fighting, and that these are valued at $1.98 billion.
In total, five aircraft have been totally destroyed, including an Afriqiyah Airways Airbus A330 and a Libyan Airlines Bombardier CRJ900. An apparently derelict Boeing 727 was also destroyed. At least six aircraft have been substantially damaged, mostly Libyan Airlines and Afriqiyah Airways A330s and A320s, while over a dozen other aircraft have received light damage.
Again, most of these aircraft are A320s and A330s belonging to Libya’s two main carriers.
At least 31 aircraft were parked at the airport when fighting broke out last week.
When Americans hear Iraq, they think of a difficult country, far away, with a lot of recent history and little desire to revisit either the history or the country.
When one adds to this a President who ran against his predecessor in part based on Iraqi involvement, one can end up with a desire to do very little and look the other way.
Although understandable, a do nothing or minimalist policy is a high-risk policy.
Iraq is not occurring in a policy vacuum; events throughout the Middle East, including the famous Syrian “red line” are in play as well.
And now we learn that the Administration is reportedly focused on the challenges posed by this question:
At the center of the administration debate is whether to send more military advisers, weaponry and surveillance systems — and, if so, in what numbers, at what cost and at what levels of risk — to a country that American combat troops left in 2011, but that now teeters on the brink of collapse.
While sending American advisers to Iraq would expose them to risks and could embroil them again in conflict, waiting to act may also limit the administration’s ability to counter ISIS and encourage the formation of a more inclusive government in Baghdad.
Although posing the question this way poses significant questions about both the Administration’s strategic triad and the decade long COIN policy, the Kurds as well as ISIS behavior have put another option on the table which the U.S. could take up and execute a successful mission and protect our interests.
One of Kurdish peshmerga stands guard on the edge of the city of Kirkuk. Photograph: Spencer Platt/Getty Images
ISIS, which is as much an invasion as an internal force, has targeted Iraqi Christians with death and mayhem in mind.
The Kurds have declared their territory as a sanctuary for Christians and other minorities.
The ISIS are bent on the destruction of Iraqi Christians, and the Kurds are coming to their aide. Indeed, the Kurds have demonstrated a level of tolerance in Iraq not evident by other ethnic groups within Iraq itself.
The action of the Kurds in Iraq, and the obvious moral imperative to protect a minority being attacked by Islamic extremists simply because they practice another religion requires U.S. action, rather than standing aside and pondering the abstract future.
It should be noted as well that the Kurds control much of Iraq that the US might care about from a strategic point of view.
Working with the Kurds as a priority as the Maliki government implodes is an option that can provide a leverage point for US political military policy.
The ability to station and supply a Navy Marine Team anywhere around the globe, ready for immediate combat, demonstrates, yet again, why the US Navy Fleets of Carrier Battle Groups and ARG/MEUs are invaluable assets for American military power projection.
The USMC can easily setup a TEMPORARY FOB for 22nd MEU with their MV-22s somewhere in Kurdistan to conduct missions into Iraq proper to rescue Christians and eliminate any ISIS fanatics in the way in the process and then leave.
Marines and Sailors assigned to Maritime Raid Force, 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU), embark from the USS Kearsarge (LHD 3), at sea, on MV-22B Ospreys assigned to Marine Medium Tiltrotor Squadron (VMM) 266 (Reinforced), for a simulated night raid, Feb. 09, 2013. (U.S. Marine Corps photo by Cpl. Kyle N. Runnels/Released)
USS Bush CBG could provide a real combat punch when ISIS mass their forces-or SOCOM/CIA identifies isolated groups.
The French in Mali underscored the point that it was not about COIN; it was about eliminating concentrated forces of the adversary, purusing as possible and then leaving.
This is not about long term occupation and training; this is about the only tiltrotar enabled assault force coming to the aid of the Kurds and Christians, setting up a forward operating base that can influence events in the Nineveh plain, helping move threatened minorities to Kurdish protection, working with those SOF in country, and returning aboard ship.
The U.S. has insertion forces able to engage and withdraw, rather than setting up long-term facilities and providing advisers as targets.
The alternative is to see a strategic chaos overtake any reasonable U.S. objectives in the region, and innocents who can be saved moved to Kurdish protection.
This requires a commitment to the Kurds, which is a statement to others in the region that the American word is worth something and we do not run away.
For earlier pieces on Second Line of Defense see the following:
Held every two years by Commander, U.S. Pacific Fleet (PACFLT), RIMPAC 2014 is a multinational maritime exercise that takes place in and around the Hawaiian Islands.
This year’s RIMPAC exercise, the 24th in the series that began in 1971, is scheduled from June 26 to August 1, with an opening reception scheduled for June 26 and closing reception August 1.
Twenty-two nations, 49 surface ships, 6 submarines, more than 200 aircraft and 25,000 personnel will participate. Units from Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Colombia, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, the People’s Republic of China, Peru, the Republic of Korea, the Republic of the Philippines, Singapore, Tonga, the United Kingdom and the United States will participate.
RIMPAC is a unique training opportunity that helps participants foster and sustain the cooperative relationships that are critical to ensuring the safety of sea lanes and security on the world’s oceans.
Exercises as a key coin of the realm for preparing for Pacific defense, built around an evolving deterrence in depth strategy.
As we commented earlier in a broad overview with regard to the role of exercises in the Pacific:
There is significant convergent modernization going on among the allies, and as new systems and capabilities are introduced crafting ways to get these systems to work together is an important dimension of the re-shaping of Pacific defense.
There are significant 21st century technological and operational dynamics affecting those forces as well.
It can be easily understood why India and China are participating but why Norway and how do they fit into any Pacific strategy or modernization effort?
The Arctic Opening
The first reason is simply because the Arctic region is evolving into the bridge between the Atlantic and the Pacific and Norway is a major Arctic power.
Norway has shown up at RIMPAC because in the future their interests are best served by a Northern Pacific and Arctic engagement strategy.
The USCG leadership is working hard with other members of the Arctic Council to shape something akin to the North Pacific Forum and notably Admiral Papp, the former Commandant of the USCG, has been just appointed as the U.S. Special Representative for the Arctic.
RIMPAC may be focused on the legacy Pacific, but the Pacific itself is changing over time under the impact of many dynamics, and a notable one is the Arctic.
And the Arctic opening is not just an abstraction but of strategic interest to both Japan and Norway and their evolving relationships as well.
PEARL HARBOR (July 25, 2014) Royal Norwegian Navy frigate HNoMS Fridtjof Nansen (F 310) arrives at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam in preparation for the Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) 2014 exercise. Credit Photo: USN
From a Bloomberg story of October 1, 2013, the link between energy supply and new transit routes was highlighted:
Japan is set to receive its second spot cargo of liquefied natural gas from Norway via the Northern Sea Route as the world’s largest buyer of the fuel reaches further afield to secure supplies.
LNG replaced nuclear energy as Japan’s primary source of power generation after the most of the country’s atomic capacity shut after the March 2011 earthquake. It imported a record 87.3 million metric tons last year and paid 6 trillion yen ($61 billion), double the bill in 2011, according to customs data.
The Arctic Aurora, with a capacity of about 155,000 cubic meters, is scheduled to arrive Oct. 16 at the Futtsu LNG terminal owned by Tokyo Electric Power Co., according to transmissions captured by IHS Fairplay on Bloomberg. The company doesn’t comment on specific spot deals, Kaoru Suzuki, a company spokeswoman, said by phone from Tokyo…..
The Arctic Aurora is delivering Japan’s second cargo from Norway this year, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. The vessel loaded the supercooled gas at Statoil ASA (STL)’s Hammerfest LNG terminal in northern Norway and departed Sept. 19, ship-tracking data show.
The ship used the Northern Sea Route to sail to Norway after completing its trials in South Korea last month. The route reduces the sailing time between Europe and Asia and can be used by ships from July to November, when ice is reduced.
Contributing to Evolving Pacific Security and Defense
The second reason is simply that Norway is deploying equipment, which can plug into the Pacific forces of its allies.
Its role clearly will be need to be enhanced to deal with the Russian challenge if Canada does not move up and deal with its own and allied needs in the region.
The procurement choke point which Canada has become clearly highlights an opening security vacuum of strategic significance.
The ship involved in RIMPAC is an Aegis ship, and its sensors can provide to the sensor grid necessary for Pacific defense in the coming years.
Norway is a major buyer of F-35s, which can certainly deploy to the Pacific and become part of a broader Pacific fleet of US, Japanese, South Korean, Australian and Canadian (if Canada ever announces a decision),
Norway has money and strategic interests to invest in defense and security assets for 21xt century operations and clearly its interests in the Arctic span both the Atlantic and Pacific areas of operations.
Showcasing Its New Family of Missiles
Third, the Norwegians are clearly interested in marketing their indigenous capabilities in the Pacific market as well.
We have argued that one key aspect of change associated with the F-35 is that it allows a global market of weapons to emerge where weapons integrated on one country’s planes via indigenous capability integrated into the software of the airplane is then readily available to other members of the F-35 global enterprise.
The British agreement with Japan on defense clearly has this in mind, and MBDA is reportedly working a relationship with Mitsubishi for missile development, which could clearly include the inclusion of Meteor on the Japanese F-35s as well.
Chris Cavas of Defense News has highlighted the importance of the missile exporting mission as a motivator for coming to RIMPAC 14.
And the crew of the Aegis frigate Fridtjof Nansen — the first Norwegian ship to take part in the huge Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) exercises — did just that when they fired a single surface-to-surface missile and scored a dramatic hit on an old target ship.
“It was a very successful shot. The missile performed exactly as programmed and expected,” Cmdr. Per Rostad, the ship’s commanding officer, said in an interview Saturday.
Speaking via satellite phone while his ship was underway near Hawaii, Rostad would not provide details of specific features demonstrated in the July 10 live fire exercise, when the Fridtjof Nansen launched a Naval Strike Missile (NSM) at the decommissioned US Navy amphibious ship Ogden.
PACIFIC OCEAN (July 10, 2014) The ex-USS Ogden (LPD 5) is hit by a Naval Strike Missile (NSM) from the Royal Norwegian Navy frigate HNoMS Fridtjof Nansen (F 310) during a Sink Exercise (SINKEX) as part of Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) Exercise 2014. Credit Photo: USN
“But the missile system has a number of features that make it unique on the market and we were able to demonstrate those features,” Rostad said. “We also demonstrated some agility.”
Developed by Kongsberg, the NSM is designed to be highly maneuverable, and features an autonomous target recognition capability that allows it to recognize ships of a particular class or design, and even to target specific areas of a ship based on its silhouette.
“The key takeaway from the NSM exercise,” Rostad said, “is the missile was demonstrated to work just as well in a tropical climate as in an arctic climate.”
The JSM is designed to be a family of systems, with an air launched variant, and this has been a key driver for Norwegian government investment.
With the F-35 the situation is totally different. The F-35A to be purchased by Norway has the same software as every other global F-35, and so integration on the Norwegian F-35 provides an instant global marketplace for Kongsberg. And the international team marketing the aircraft – is de facto – working for Kongsberg as well.
It is very likely, for example, that Asian partners in the F-35 will find this capability to be extremely interesting and important. And so Kongsberg’s global reach is embedded in the global reach of the F-35 itself.
The Vikings may not be raiding England this time, but they are seaward looking for new ports of call to project and protect their interests.
PACIFIC OCEAN (July 10, 2014)
The ex-USS Ogden (LPD 5) is fired upon by a harpoon missile from the Republic of Korea (ROKS) submarine LeeSunSin (SS 068) and then by a Naval Strike Missile (NSM) from the Royal Norwegian Navy frigate HNoMS Fridtjof Nansen (F 310) during a SINKEX as part of Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) Exercise 2014.
