Making a Good Aircraft Even Better: Osprey Modernization

06/10/2024

By Jo Ann Y. Williams, Ed.D.

Attending SOF Week 2024 in Tampa recently made me reflect on the V-22 Osprey program’s past triumphs and challenges, as well as its future.

Over a decade ago, I was part of a team that helped train Osprey pilots. Many of today’s Osprey squadron commanders are those pilots. With V-22 production winding down and much discussion involving modernization, it’s now time to start thinking hard about what comes next for the Osprey.

“There’s a ton of life left in this platform, and there’s a ton of mission left in this platform,” said Marine Col. Brian Taylor, the V-22 program manager. He recently outlined his thoughts publicly on a long-term plan for modernizing the V-22.

For the sake of the safety, availability and affordability of the Osprey going forward, congressional leaders and senior officials in the Pentagon should give considerable thought to his words, which were revealing.

An Operationally Relevant Configuration: More Bang for the Buck

I’m told when you buy any aircraft over a multi-decade period, you end up with different configurations. In the case of the Osprey, what looks like the same aircraft at first glance may be quite different when you look under the hood.

A variety of configurations presents a host of challenges for aircraft maintenance, for supply chain management, and for the introduction of new capabilities.

To address this, Col. Taylor reported that the Air Force, Marine Corps and Navy are “coalescing on a kind of standard configuration, which is huge.” Huge, indeed!

However, while the services strive for what they consider to be a standard configuration, it’s more important for them to strive towards an “operationally relevant” configuration management plan.

Col. Taylor used a helpful metaphor in thinking about this. “If you think about the car that you bought 25 years ago and the car that you bought today, they are very different. They have different systems, and so [we’re] trying to kind of normalize all the systems and everything on an aircraft.”

A prime example is the Osprey’s mission computer system. Col. Taylor explained that because there are two variants of the Osprey’s mission computers, two different software builds are required. That’s expensive, complex, and time-consuming. Shifting to a single baseline would save taxpayers money and provide more capability, more rapidly, and that improves the experience for V-22 pilots as well.

Col. Taylor noted that “not having the software dependent on hardware” provides “a lot more flexibility in the fleet for mission kitting and things like that.”

Homing in on Nacelle Improvement

Because of the unique confined aerial landing, hovering, and other capabilities, nacelles are a critically important part of the V-22; they include the engines and tilt with the rotors. Sixty percent of the maintenance work on Ospreys is focused on these nacelles.

A nacelle improvement program is in the works that will simplify the nacelle structure. Improving on the decades-old design of wires and junction boxes, the nacelle improvement program uses point-to-point wiring and re-engineers hundreds of parts, lowering costs and saving time.

By focusing on the area of the aircraft that is most prone to reliability and readiness concerns, the nacelle improvement program will both save taxpayers money and make a more ready force.

Air Force Special Operations Command will be the first to put its CV-22s through the nacelle improvement program. The Navy and Marine Corps should carefully study the Air Force metrics used to measure program success and, if the gains are significant, embark on a similar upgrade program.

Modernized Displays and an Open System Architecture

Then there’s the need for a cockpit refresh. Col. Taylor used a helpful metaphor – an older-model car. When you drive a new car off the lot, typically the dash has touchscreens; it interfaces with your mobile devices. A car that’s 20 years old has none of that. And, everyone knows it’s more expensive to replace 20-year-old parts!

“These are a bunch of screens and displays and keyboards and stuff that were developed, back in the late 80s, so keeping them on the aircraft is pretty challenging,” he said. “We are kind of at a tipping point where we are spending enough on just maintaining what we have that it’s time to do something different.”

The answer from the Joint Program Office is a program called the V-22 Cockpit Technology Replacement, or VeCToR. Col. Taylor noted that commercial, off-the-shelf technologies will be a big part of the solution.

The Open System Architecture (OSA) should be a priority, as it can evolve and adapt as future threats emerge.

Leveraging work on the Army’s FLRAA program would provide the Navy and Marine Corps the ability to address legacy system constraints such as computer processing and display interface, while providing a significant cost savings and risk reduction and providing a path to interoperability with the US Army, other services, and foreign militaries who adopt FLRAA variants.

A Longer-Term Aircraft Modernization Approach

Longer-term, the Osprey program is working on its Renewed V-22 Aircraft Modernization Program, or ReVAMP. While in the early stages, Col. Taylor said the approach is, “if we had to do V-22 all over again, what would that look like?”

Maintenance issues and limits to the longevity of the V-22 really focus on things like gearboxes, engines, and wings.

The Joint Program Office study is looking at an improved drive system, new engines or new cores for the existing engines, improved ice protection, and modernization to the aircraft’s maintenance process, said Col. Taylor.

Tiltrotor’s Future

As Col. Taylor said, the mission sets the V-22 are getting into are absolutely unlimited.”

The Army has obviously taken note of that fact, as they have selected a tiltrotor from Bell for the Future Long Range Assault Aircraft. The V-280 Valor FLRAA technical demonstrator was built upon 50 years of lessons learned from the V-22, and the new FLRAA tiltrotor capability will transform how the Army fights.

Not only will other services see the benefit of advanced tiltrotor technology, but this will surely be something America’s strategic partners can benefit from as well.

Meantime, there are hundreds of V-22 Ospreys in service with the Air Force, Marine Corps and Navy, with lots of life left in them. Each of the services, as well as Congress, must ensure they prioritize the readiness and modernization upgrades required to achieve the aircraft availability and affordability goals to meet the challenges of the next several decades.

Bottom line, we owe our warfighters the support it takes to ensure the Osprey, the first operationally viable tiltrotor aircraft, remains a versatile, game-changing platform for decades to come.

Dr. Jo Ann Williams is CEO/Owner of Iron Mine Strategies, a training and education consulting firm. She advocates for and provides researched-based knowledge, critical thinking, and analysis for decision-makers. She is a former Instructional Systems Design Analyst for the V-22 program. 

Featured Photo: U.S. Air Force Airmen assigned to the 20th Special Operations Squadron familiarize themselves with the new nacelle improvement modifications on a CV-22 Osprey tilt-rotor aircraft at Cannon Air Force Base, N.M., Jan. 7, 2022. The improvements should increase aircraft availability and reduce required maintenance actions, leading to increased flying hours. The versatility of the CV-22 offers increased speed and range over other rotary-wing aircraft, which enables the 20 SOS to conduct long-range infiltration, exfiltration and personnel recovery missions deep into enemy territory. (U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Drew Cyburt)

On the Osprey nacelle improvement program and its initial imapcts, see the following:

Crafting and Shaping the Nacelle Improvement Program for the Osprey: The Role of Industry

Osprey Major Redesign Effort: Modified CV-22s Arrive at Cannon Air Force Base

Also see the following with the imapct of the Osprey on pacific operations:

Exercise Nordic Response 24: Marines Engaged

U.S. Marines with Marine Aerial Refueler Transport Squadron (VMGR) 252, 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing (MAW), refuel F-35B Lightning II jets with Marine Fighter Attack Squadron (VMFA) 542, 2nd MAW, using aviation-delivered ground refueling during Exercise Nordic Response 24 in Lulea, Sweden, March 13, 2024.

VMFA-542 and VMGR-252 demonstrated aviation-delivered ground refueling during a distributed aviation operation to showcase expeditionary advanced-base operations using host-nation support. The training event marked the first U.S. F-35 landing in Sweden at Kallax Air Base.

Exercise Nordic Response 24 is designed to enhance military capabilities and allied cooperation in high-intensity warfighting scenarios under challenging arctic conditions while providing U.S. Marines unique opportunities to train alongside NATO allies and partners.

LULEA, BD, SWEDEN
03.13.2024
Video by Cpl. Rowdy Vanskike
2nd Marine Aircraft Wing

10th AAMDC Honors D-Day 80 in Normandy

06/09/2024

U.S. Army Col. Lisa Bartel, Deputy Commanding Officer of the 10th Army Air and Missile Defense Command, delivers remarks at a D-Day 80 observance on June 3 in Houesville, France.

This observance marked the 80th anniversary of D-Day in Normandy, France.

Bartel honored the four U.S. soldiers who were killed and the local citizens of Houesville who decorated their graves in honor of their sacrifice. (U.S. Army video by Capt. Alexander Watkins).

HOUESVILLE, FRANCE
06.03.2024
Video by Capt. Alexander Watkins
10th Army Air and Missile Defense Command

First Army Hosts WWII Wreath Ceremony in Normandy on 80th Anniversary

06/08/2024

First Army hosted a wreath laying ceremony at Point Du Hoc, France in honor of the over 60 veterans who made the trip for the the 80th D-Day Commemoration, June 4, 2024.

First Army Division East Command Sgt. Maj. Command Sgt. Major Even Lewandowski, Acting Commander Maj. Gen. William Ryan along with First Army Historian Capt. Kevin Braafladt talk about the importance of D-Day in remembrance of the veteran’s sacrifice.

FRANCE
06.04.2024
Video by Staff Sgt. Justin McClarran
188th Infantry Brigade

A Remembrance on D-Day: The 320th Barrage Balloon Battalion

06/06/2024

By Pierre Tran

Paris – The 80th anniversary of D-Day June 6 1944, marks significance for the family of the late Waverly Woodson, a black army corporal and medic who landed on Omaha beach, Linda Hervieux, journalist and writer, told the Anglo-American Press Association, a press club.

Hervieux is author of Forgotten (U.S. Harper; U.K. Amberley), which tells of the combat soldiers in the U.S. army’s 320th barrage balloon battalion, an African American unit which landed under deadly fire on the Normandy beach.

“Why does it matter?” she said May 15 to the AAPA.

Those black soldiers, after winning initial praise for their part in the longest day, were later largely “excluded” from the history of D-Day, reflecting a history of racial discrimination in the U.S. army, she said.

Some of that social exclusion has been addressed, with Woodson awarded the posthumous award of the Distinguished Service Cross, the army’s highest medal, just as the anniversary of D-Day loomed.

“…the Pentagon and Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) announced that Woodson will receive the Distinguished Service Cross, the nation’s second-highest medal for combat valor — as part of a long overdue recent reckoning by the military about how institutional racism suppressed awards for heroic Black soldiers in World War II,” Politico magazine reported June 3.

Woodson’s widow, Joann Woodson, 96, has campaigned for the award of the highest distinction, the Medal of Honor, and that requires presidential approval, as well as the detailed checks by the Pentagon.

“They want the Medal of Honor,” Hervieux said. “They want the big one.”

That battalion of black combat soldiers brought on shore and deployed barrage balloons, seen as vital equipment to protect the troops from attacks from the air. Those hydrogen-filled balloons were designed to deter dive bombers and force enemy fighters to stay high in the sky, putting them in the sights of allied anti-aircraft fire.

Some balloons also were armed with a secret weapon, namely explosives. If a fighter plane hit the restraining wire, there was risk of not just shearing off wings or getting entangled, but also triggering the small bomb attached just below the balloon.

Those barrage balloons were deployed on both the beaches assigned to the American troops, namely Omaha and Utah.

The historical narrative, Forgotten, recounts the stories told by soldiers who served in the all-black combat battalion.

Epic Battle

The secretary of defense, Lloyd Austin, is aware of the campaign to award the late Woodson the Medal of Honor, Hervieux said. Such an award would be something of a victory in an “epic battle,” she added.

The formation of the 320th barrage balloon battalion in the second world war marked something of a cultural break for the U.S. army, which drew many of its officers from the south, she said. That meant most black soldiers were assigned to labor and service battalions, not integrated into combat units.

The Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944 changed that, with a pressing need for combat troops no matter what the racial origin. That meant a re-assignment of black American soldiers to combat units.

That barrage balloon battalion was a segregated unit, and the only black combat unit deployed on the assault on Omaha beach on that historic day, the opening of the bloody battle for Normandy.

Woodson was wounded by shrapnel when his landing craft was hit on the morning of 6 June, Hervieux wrote in Time magazine. The corporal made it on to the beach, where he set up a first aid station and gave medical help to dozens of wounded soldiers for 30 hours, before being relieved.

Woodson’s giving medical aid under enemy fire led to a nomination to a Medal of Honor, but that award was withheld.

A fire in 1973 of the national personnel records center in St. Louis destroyed many files, which included accounts of Woodson’s service.

France awarded medals to the American ex-serviceman and other veterans of the balloon battalion, and invited them to Normandy in previous D-Day anniversaries.

Woodson died in 2005, and was buried in Arlington cemetery.

France has withdrawn an invitation to Russia to attend the D-Day anniversary, reversing a decision to allow senior Moscow officials to attend, while excluding president Vladimir Putin.

Some 200 veterans are due to attend.

Several heads of state and government will attend, including U.S. president Joe Biden and his Ukrainian counterpart, president Volodymyr Zelenskiy. Both Britain’s King Charles and the prime minister, Rishi Sunak,  are due to attend, along with Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau, and German chancellor Olaf Scholz.

Credit Photo: https://www.nationalww2museum.org/events-programs/events/129290-320th-barrage-balloon-battalion-african-american-heroes-d-day

 

Australian Defence and Deterrence: A 2024 Update

06/04/2024

We have published our latest book on Australian defence.

This book is the second in the series on Australian Defence and Deterrence the first having been published in 2023.

The book begins with a contribution by John Blackburn and Anne Borzycki who look at the broad impact of Australian politics on the nature of the Australian defence effort and argue for the need for a comprehensive national defence strategy to deal with the new historical era facing Australia and the liberal democracies.

Rather than a world of multi-polarity or great national power competition, a key aspect of the new historical epoch we have entered is multi-polar authoritarianism. Authoritarianism is clearly globally ascendent, but these regimes or groups do not share a common ideology or action program.

Many of these authoritarian states or groups have roots deeply inside Western democracies and through various means operate within Western societies, rather than simply being an external threat. The key challenge facing Australia is whether or not the government and the country shape policies and a strategy to prevail in the new historical epoch.

How does Australia generate a credible deterrent strategy against a power that is their major trading partner?

How does Australia shape a national security and defence strategy which engages the nation and mobilizes its resources?

How does Australia do so while pursuing an energy strategy which simply does not tap the natural resources which Australia possesses in abundance?

How does Australia generate a credible ADF when the government is simply putting off investments in the force that would have to fight tonite?

How credible is the future force?

Do the elements of this force really integrate or are they really new platform stove pipes?
Does Australia have a credible alliance approach?

Is AUKUS really a centerpiece of a military renaissance?

How will Australia stand up to China while largely being a raw materials supplier to the country?

How realistic is the domestic understanding of what the threat from the new authoritarians is domestically? Information war is now a key domestic fact of life, and not simply an away game.

How capable is Australia of building the defence and security infrastructure it needs?

Can Australia defend itself as a sanctuary to the extent necessary to provide a strategic reserve for its Pacific allies in times of crisis?

How will Australia focus primarily on Indo-Pacific challenges and still remain engaged with at least some presence forces for other global regions?

How will Australia defend its maritime interests without shaping a significant merchant maritime capability?

In short, key questions need to be asked and answered and not only by Australia. Each of its democratic partners faces major challenges itself.

And collectively, we face a very challenging environment with a wide range of authoritarian actors with no interest in providing their political and security capital to a “rules-based order.”

How will Australia shape its way ahead?

And from the introduction of the book:

AUKUS is a Rorschach test. You can see in it what you want. It is loaded with ambiguity, the kind that can lead to serious conflict in the United States, the UK and in Australia about who is supposed to do what.

Our alliance is too important to be reduced to chanting AUKUS, rather than frankly discussing our common interests and our differences. And the domestic divergencies in our societies is very significant and has clear implications for the future. An AUKUS totem doesn’t solve this.

The book starts with a seminal essay by  John Blackburn and Anne Borzycki. Their essay addresses the challenges which the political system in Australia poses to having an effective defence policy. Australia clearly needs a national defence and security strategy and not just the AUKUS totem.

Next is the checklist of key challenges which need to be addressed in building such a strategy.

Then the 11 April 2024 seminar report of the Williams Foundation seminar addressing a multi-domain approach to Australia’s maritime strategy has been included but restructured.,

Next the interviews which Robbin Laird conducted in April 2024 before and after the seminar which provide a rich tapestry of assessments of the challenges for Australian defence by Australians who are well positioned to comment on these challenges.

This is a journey and only future history will tell us definitively where we were in that journey in 2024.

 

 

 

 

The Coming European Elections and European Defence

06/03/2024

By  Pierre Tran

Paris – France and Europe could boost their autonomy by increasing cooperation in the defense technology and industrial base rather than rely on the U.S. military umbrella, with the latter seen as increasingly uncertain, a French parliamentary report said.

The authors, parliamentarians Jean-Charles Larsonneur and Jean-Louis Thiériot, presented their detailed 120-page report, The Defense Industry – Provider of Strategic Autonomy in Europe?” to the defense committee of the lower house National Assembly May 15.

The report closes with no fewer than five pages of policy recommendations, seeking to stimulate public and political debate ahead of the June 9 election for Members of the European Parliament, the elected arm of the European Union (E.U.).

The French parliamentary report was presented as Russian troops seized ground in the Kharkiv region, northern Ukraine, and U.S. secretary of state Antony Blinken arrived in Kyiv May 14, seeking to show support for Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskiy.

The shipment of American-built weapons to Kyiv also resumed that week, after a long awaited congressional approval of a package of arms and ammunition worth $61 billion.

In the first part of the report, the authors reflect on the weight of domestic and international politics on European arms procurement, namely the days of the peace dividend are over. That part includes an established picture of the duplication of arms programs in Europe.

The second part sets out the case on how to spend it – effectively calling for a Buy European Act – rather than simply calling for an increase in military budgets.

“The future of our collective security, the defense of the ‘free world,’ will depend in large part on our capacity to strengthen our defense industry,” the report said.

The report pitched “an action plan to increase the contribution of the defense industry to the strategic autonomy in Europe,” the rapporteurs said. “These proposals have just one aim: that France and Europe remain actors in History and do not become trembling witnesses.

“As long as the European nations supply themselves mainly with equipment from the United States, the European armed forces will remain under the operational tutelage of the United States,” the report said.

Belgium and France Cooperate

Industrial partnership was advancing, the French armed forces ministry said May 21, with Belgium extending its procurement of French weapons to the Serval light armored troop carrier, and Caesar artillery.

That procurement of Serval and Caesar was the second phase of the Belgian Capacité Mobilité (CaMo) land arms program, with the first phase consisting of orders for the Griffon VBMR heavy armored troop carrier and Jaguar combat and reconnaissance vehicle. Those latter two vehicles are part of the French army’s Scorpion program.

John Cockerill Defense, a Belgian company held by a French national, was acquiring Arquus and had given significant commitments on its activities and sites in France, the ministry said.

Volvo, a Swedish truck company, is in exclusive talks on the sale of Arquus, its French unit, with Cockerill. Arquus builds light and medium armored vehicles.

“The merger deal is moving ahead well, and significant commitments have been given on employment,” the ministry said. The two nations will have a high level of supervision after the merger.

A Belgian vehicle assembly line for the CaMo project opened in April.

KNDS, a Franco-German joint venture, would inaugurate next week in Belgium the production line for 155mm artillery shells, the ministry said.

The announcements were made following a meeting, here, between French armed forces minister, Sébastien Lecornu, and his Belgian counterpart, Ludivine Dedonder.

FN Herstal, a Belgian company which builds vehicle armed turrets, is seen as a potential partner in the industrial consolidation led by Cockerill.

Cornerstone of U.S. Arms Sales

The parliamentary rapporteurs referred to a point made by Jean-Pierre Maulny, deputy director of Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques, a think tank, that 63 percent of E.U. military spending went on U.S. arms.

Those orders for American weapons, notably the F-35 fighter, were the price Europe had to pay for protection under the U.S. umbrella.

“Massive procurement from the United States reflects the attachment of European nations to the maintenance of the American security guarantee, which is the cornerstone of their defence policy,” the report said.

South Korea and Turkey were also significant “third party nations” selling into a fragmented European market for land weapons, adding pressure to consolidate that sector, the report said.

Meanwhile, European defense was seen as “a guarantee of second rank and incomplete.”

For France, the report offered policy guidance to rely less on industrial cooperation with Germany, and seek closer ties with other European nations, notably Poland and Sweden.

The perceived importance of European sovereignty and industrial policy could be seen in remarks by the chief executive of MBDA, Eric Béranger, who pointed up a swift delivery of British-built cruise missiles to arm Ukrainian fighter jets against Russian forces.

“We were able to integrate Storm Shadows on fighters of the Ukrainian air force in a few weeks, and not in several years, because we were the ‘design authorities’ and we did not need to ask for authorization from a third party which could have refused or just made us wait,” he told the rapporteurs.

Foreign sale of the French version of that missile has been a sensitive issue, as deliveries of the Scalp to Egypt and other export clients were previously held up, with the U.S. withholding authorization to ship American components under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). Those missiles were eventually shipped.

The chair of the parliamentary committee, Thomas Gassilloud, welcomed the “particularly dense” report, which he noted had been distributed the day before, giving members of parliament time to read and consider the contents before its formal presentation.

Election Time

A campaign leaflet for François-Xavier Bellamy, a candidate of Les Republicans, a conservative party, for the European parliament elections, includes a call for strengthening the defense industry in Europe, to give the services “the means to defend France.”

That center-right candidate is backed by a retired four star general, Christophe Gomart, a former special forces commander and former head of the Direction du Renseignement Militaire (DRM), the military intelligence agency.

The French parliamentary report was presented as Russian troops seized ground in the Kharkiv region, northern Ukraine, and U.S. secretary of state Antony Blinken arrived in Kyiv May 14, seeking to show support. The shipment of American-built weapons also resumed that week, after the congressional approval of a $61 billion package of arms and ammunition.

There will also be a U.S. presidential election Nov. 5, with contenders Joe Biden and Donald Trump seeking votes to return to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.

The prospect of election of Donald Trump was seen as significant for European allies – “a moment of truth,” the French report said.

“Either it will be an electric shock leading to a European collective awareness to strengthen our strategic autonomy,” an interlocutor told the rapporteurs, “or it leads to yet more procurement of American military equipment to hold on to the American umbrella as part of a favored bilateral tie.”

Cooperation As Tool – And Hindrance

European cooperation was a necessity, in view of the high cost of arms programs, said François Lureau, a consultant and former procurement chief. The Rafale will be the last national fighter program for France, which lacks the means to build a successor on its own.

“It is important to have the tools for cooperation,” he said. The tools would effectively be the organization setting policy aims and managing cross-border cooperative programs.

The European Defense Agency (EDA) looked like the most fitting organization to pursue greater European production of arms as an alternative to dependence on the U.S. and other third party nations, he said.

It was important to have the political weight of the European Council, a policy setting institution, and senior military officers and procurement officials to sit on the cooperative organization, he said.

There was certainly no need to set up more organizations, or to assign the task of program management to the European Commission, he said.

The parliamentary report called for closer ties between Britain and the E.U. in industrial cooperation, and a U.K. membership of the EDA would help that.

Lureau supported that idea, pointing out that non-E.U. members Switzerland and Norway were attached to the EDA, that the best approach was “ad hoc and pragmatic,” and that membership would require London to pay its contribution and not expect to direct the agency.

Competition was essential within the cooperative approach, he said, as the French nuclear deterrence was the only program too sensitive to be opened up for open tender.

There was cooperation at MBDA between Britain and France with their centers of excellence, he said, but there was room for closer work at the European company, which pursued mainly national programs.

The national arms authorities needed to adopt a closer cooperative approach to raise MBDA above 50 percent of collaborative output, he said, but the procurement offices in London and Paris lacked that appetite for common programs.

There was the risk of cooperation being used to promote interests of national companies, relegating the importance of capabilities to a lower rung, said Hélène Masson, senior research fellow at Fondation de Recherche Stratégique, a think tank, the parliamentary report said.

The number of times parts for the Aster crossed the Alps showed the “geographical return” tied to work shared between the French and Italian units of MBDA, business daily La Tribune reported, the rapporteurs said. This form of cooperation partly explained the 42 months needed to build and deliver the surface-to-air missile in 2022, the report said.

Exports To Middle East Seen As Risky

The perceived importance of pursuing Europe as the home market for the defense industrial base could be seen with the weight of sales to the Middle East, notably export deals sealed for the Rafale fighter.

Sale of the Rafale accounted for almost 78 percent of French arms exports in 2022, the report said, and “non-European nations” made 178 orders of the fighter out of the 193 in the period 2019-2023. The latter nations included Egypt, India, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates.

The UAE order alone accounted for 80 Rafale, the largest foreign deal for the fighter. Yet Abu Dhabi was strengthening ties to China, the report said, such that Washington was concerned.

Those deals amounted to a “dependence on grand export,” the report said, and reflected few sales within Europe, which meant a lack of support for strategic autonomy on the continent.

Middle East nations were moving toward a more “transactional” approach with France in their export deals, the report said, and would not hesitate to switch to new nations such as South Korea, or “strategic competitors,” such as China.

“In this context, it is important to further develop our exports to European nations, all the more so at a time of increased defense spending in Europe,” the report said, citing an official of the directorate general for international and strategic relations (DGRIS), a branch of the armed forces ministry.

The Middle East and India accounted for 65 percent of French arms orders in 2022, and compared to 78 percent in 2015, the report said.

French arms exports into Europe have grown since 2017, the report said, accounting for an average 31 percent of foreign deals between 2018-2022, spiking up to 45 percent in 2019. That compared to an average 7.6 percent between 2013-2017.

Credit Graphic:Photo 38938469 | European Elections © Vepar5 | Dreamstime.com