VMFA-323 in South China Sea

06/06/2025

U.S. Marines with Marine Fighting Squadron 323 conducts routine exercises over the South China Sea during Exercise Balikatan 25, in Aparri, Philippines, May 3, 2025.

Balikatan is a longstanding annual exercise between the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the U.S. military. (U.S. Marine Corps courtesy video)

APARRI, PHILIPPINES

05.04.2025

Courtesy Video

Exercise Balikatan

An Update on the Tiltrotor Enterprise: How to Reduce Osprey Maintenance Cycle Time by 24%

06/05/2025

Recently, DVIDS. provided a story which highlights how reworking maintenance regimes can enhance the readiness of the MV-22. Frankly, this is a core theme which needs to be addressed across the ready force: how can we rework organaiatoxal and structural arrangements to enhance the readiness of the “fight tonight” force?

The article was published on May 27, 2025 and was written by Michael A Furlano 

That article follows:

Fleet Readiness Center Southwest’s (FRCSW) mission is to maintain the operational readiness of advanced aircraft like the CMV-22 Osprey.

The command provides crucial support to the men and women of the Navy and Marine Corps allowing them to deliver the lethality necessary to defeat any foe.

Recently, the FRCSW Props team achieved a significant milestone by reducing the Planned Maintenance Interval (PMI) cycle for the CMV-22 from 264 days to under 200 days – a reduction of more than 24%.

The accelerated maintenance timeline directly supports naval aviation readiness goals, ensuring the military have the reliable aircraft they require for success on the battlefield.

The CMV-22 Osprey is a complex tiltrotor aircraft combining the vertical takeoff and landing capabilities of a helicopter with the speed and range of a fixed wing plane.

Its PMI cycle involves extensive inspection, repair, testing and refurbishment of critical systems including engines, rotors, avionics and airframe components.

The team managers laid out all phases/processes/etc. required and worked directly with the artisans performing the work to develop a new way to sequence events.

Through this workflow analysis and process optimization effort, the FRCSW team identified and eliminated inefficiencies in multiple maintenance phases, setting the stage to achieve this milestone.

The analysis enabled the team to significantly shorten the PMI cycle without sacrificing the high standards required for safety and quality.

A key factor in the accelerated PMI cycle was working with outside entities to ensure any delays outside the commands purview would not prevent the team from reaching their goal.

The FRCSW team worked closely with external partners thus by proactively managing the entire repair cycle and improving communication throughout, the team avoided delays that had previously extended maintenance timelines.

Reducing the CMV-22 PMI cycle from 264 to 200 days translates directly into more aircraft available for training, deployment and operational readiness.

The CMV-22 plays a vital role in carrier onboard delivery and logistics support, making its availability essential for sustained naval operations.

This achievement reflects FRCSW’s commitment to providing the Navy and Marine Corps with the mission capable aircraft they need.

By accelerating maintenance cycles, the team ensures that sailors and marines have reliable, ready-to-fly tools to successfully execute their mission and maintain strategic advantage.

FRCSW will continue to innovate and refine maintenance processes for the CMV-22 and other fleet assets.

The goal remains clear: to sustain and improve aircraft readiness so that naval aviation forces can remain agile, effective and prepared for the challenges of today and tomorrow.

FRCSW employees are the Backbone of Readiness!

A Tiltrotor Enterprise: From Iraq to the Future

Reactions to President Lula’s Back-to-Back Visits to Moscow and Bejing

06/04/2025

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s diplomatic visits to Russia and China in May have sparked intense debate in Brazil, with major newspapers condemning his attendance at Moscow’s Victory Day parade while largely supporting the economic outcomes of his Beijing trip.

The Brazilian leader’s presence at Russia’s May 9 Victory Day celebrations drew particularly sharp criticism from the country’s leading media outlets, making him the only democratic leader among the dozens of heads of state who attended the military parade on Red Square.

Media Backlash Over Moscow Visit

Brazil’s three largest newspapers delivered scathing editorial commentary on Lula’s decision to stand alongside Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping at the 80th anniversary commemoration of Soviet victory over Nazi Germany.

Folha de São Paulo, the country’s most influential daily, described Lula’s Moscow appearance as “not pragmatism, only a diplomatic error,” arguing that by consorting with autocrats, the president was attending “the glorification of another actual conflict condemned by the majority of the democracies of the world, with the exception of Brazil.”

O Globo of Rio de Janeiro was even more direct, running an editorial titled “Lula in Moscow: The wrong side of history.”

The criticism reflects broader concerns about Brazil’s neutral stance on the Ukraine war. Since Russia’s 2022 invasion, Lula’s government has abstained from votes to suspend Russia from UN human rights bodies and refused to supply weapons to Ukraine, frustrating Kyiv to the point where Ukraine withdrew its ambassador from Brasília.³

Economic Pragmatism Drives Policy

The Lula administration has defended the visits as essential to Brazil’s economic interests and regional leadership. Russia has become a crucial energy supplier, now providing 65% of Brazil’s diesel imports—up from less than 1% in 2021. Brazil paid Russia nearly $10 billion for diesel in 2024, while Russian fertilizers remain vital for the country’s powerful agribusiness sector.

“Brazil has political, commercial, cultural, scientific, and technological interests with Russia,” Lula told reporters before departing for China. “We believe that, at this historic moment, we can significantly deepen our trade ties.”

Trade between Brazil and Russia reached $12.4 billion in 2024, though the balance heavily favors Russia, leaving Brazil with a $9.5 billion deficit.

China Visit Yields Economic Gains

While the Moscow visit drew criticism, Lula’s subsequent trip to Beijing received more positive domestic coverage, particularly regarding its economic outcomes.

At a business forum in Beijing, Lula celebrated more than $4.5 billion in upcoming Chinese investments across Brazilian sectors ranging from automaking and renewable energy to pharmaceuticals and semiconductors.

“If it’s up to my government, our relationship with China will be indestructible,” Lula told business leaders in Beijing.

Brazil’s trade promotion agency reported attracting approximately 27 billion reais ($4.8 billion) in Chinese investments during the visit. Major deals included a $1 billion investment by China’s Envision Group in Brazilian production of sustainable aviation fuel from sugarcane.

Strategic Nonalignment Policy

Foreign policy experts describe Lula’s approach as “active nonalignment,” reflecting Brazil’s attempt to navigate an increasingly multipolar world while maintaining autonomy from Western pressure.

“The natural path is to look for alternatives. China is one of them,” said a Brazilian diplomat, speaking anonymously about the country’s response to U.S. President Donald Trump’s unpredictable trade policies.

China has been Brazil’s largest trading partner since 2009, accounting for 28% of Brazilian exports and 24.2% of imports in 2024. By contrast, the United States ranked second, providing 12% of Brazil’s imports and purchasing 15.5% of its exports.

Opposition and International Concerns

Critics argue there is an inherent contradiction between Brazil’s longstanding foreign policy of upholding national sovereignty and territorial integrity and its acquiescence to Russia’s actions in Ukraine.⁹

International observers have also questioned Brazil’s positioning. In a recent analysis, one critic described Lula’s Russia visit as “hypocritical, undermining everything he allegedly stands for,” noting that Putin has implemented in Russia many of the authoritarian practices Lula historically opposed in Brazil.

Looking Ahead

The visits underscore Brazil’s determination to maintain what Lula calls an independent foreign policy, prioritizing economic relationships over Western calls for diplomatic isolation of Russia.

Brazil will host the BRICS summit in Rio de Janeiro in July, where Lula will again meet with both Putin and Xi Jinping, further cementing these controversial but economically important relationships.

The challenge for Lula will be balancing Brazil’s economic pragmatism with growing domestic and international pressure over his government’s stance on global democratic norms and the Ukraine conflict.

The featured image was produced by an AI program.

See also the following:

Lula in Moscow and Beijing: Coming to Terms with the Multi-Polar Authoritarian World?

Croix du Sud 25

U.S. Marines with Combat Logistics Battalion 1, Marine Rotational – Force Darwin 25.3 and 22 partner countries participated in Croix-Du-Sud 25 at New Caledonia and Wallis Island, Wallis and Futuna, from April 21 to May 4, 2025.

Croix-du-Sud is a 14-day biennial joint/multilateral field training exercise organized and led by the French Armed Forces New Caledonia, focusing on disaster relief, crisis events, and enhancing partnership and interoperability between the United States and the militaries of the Oceania countries.

MRF-D is an annual six-month rotational deployment to enhance interoperability with the Australian Defence Force and allies and partners and provide a forward-postured crisis response force in the Indo-Pacific. (U.S. Marine Corps video by Cpl. Anita Ramos)

NOUMEA, NEW CALEDONIA

05.06.2025

Video by Cpl. Anita Ramos 

Marine Rotational Force – Darwin

Australian Army’s Strategic Pivot: Adapting for the Indo-Pacific Century

06/03/2025

By Robbin Laird

I had the opportunity to meet with Lt. General Simon Stuart, Chief of the Australian Army in. his office on 19 May 2025. We discussed a specific aspect of the way ahead for the Australian Army, namely its role in Australian littoral operations.

In an era where geopolitical tensions in the Indo-Pacific region are significant, the Australian Army is undergoing a fundamental transformation designed to meet the challenges of great power competition. Leading this evolution is a recognition that tomorrow’s conflicts will be won not by the strongest force, but by the most adaptable one.

“War has always been a contest to see who can adapt the fastest,” explains Lieutenant General Simon Stuart, Chief of Army. This philosophy underpins Australia’s shift from traditional change management approaches to a model of continual adaptation.

The stark difference between these paradigms isn’t merely semantic. Stuart points to Ukraine as a real-world laboratory demonstrating how adaptation cycles for technologies like unmanned aerial systems and counter-UAS capabilities are now “measured in days, not weeks, months, and years.”

This represents a clean break from previous military transformation efforts based on civilian change management theories — where organizations moved from one comfortable, well-defined state through a planned period of change to another stable configuration. “That may have been appropriate for the day,” Stuart notes, “but it doesn’t reflect the world we live in today.”

Comprehensive Transformation: The Four Cs

Australia’s approach to Army transformation is comprehensive, built around what Stuart calls “the four Cs”: Concepts, Command and Control, Capabilities, and Culture.

Concepts: Integrated Thinking

The Army has developed new land domain operating concepts aligned with joint force “integrated campaigning.” Stuart highlights four key integrating concepts: integrated air and missile defense, multi-domain strike, special operations, and logistics—with a fifth concept focused on littoral combat currently under development.

“It’s about understanding how you best leverage the terrain, the maritime environment, for positional advantage for the combined and joint force,” Stuart explains.

Command and Control: Restructuring for Joint Operations

The Australian Army has elevated the division to the “unit of action” and aligned divisions and commands with the Chief of Joint Operations’ theater missions. The headquarters structure has been reorganized to function effectively during wartime.

Forces Command has undergone perhaps the most significant transformation, taking on dual responsibilities: managing the Army training enterprise and developing contingency plans for scaling the Army during mobilization.

Stuart emphasizes the importance of this capability: “In a fight, the rest of the Army will be committed to operations. I need some capacity to be able to force-generate out of contact.”

Capabilities: Building the Future Force

The Army’s capability development focuses on several critical programs of record:

  • The Littoral Maneuver Program, delivering 26 ships (18 medium and 8 heavy landing craft)
  • Long-range strike capability centered on the newly established 10th Fires Brigade
  • Combined arms fighting systems
  • The land C4 digital network system connecting all components at machine speed

These capabilities address the functional question Stuart poses: “How do I contribute to my teammates in the air and on the surface and subsurface of the ocean by contributing to or achieving sea denial from the land?”

Culture: Professionalism Under Pressure

The fourth pillar addresses the human dimension. Stuart has commissioned a formal assessment of the Army profession, focusing on jurisdiction, professional knowledge, and self-regulation — ensuring the force has the values, skills, and mindset needed for continual adaptation.

The Littoral Focus: Geography Drives Strategy

The emphasis on littoral operations stems directly from the Indo-Pacific’s geography. The Australian Army aims to “unlock and access the maneuver space in the littorals either side of the beach and the airspace above it” to support joint operations.

“If you look at the map, it’s about understanding where the strategic geography is, where the key terrain is, and which straits are more important than others,” Stuart explains. “What is the contribution of the land force to the joint fight? How do I access and exploit the maneuver space that we haven’t been able to do before?”

Racing Against Time

Stuart doesn’t hide the urgency driving these changes. “Time is not on our side,” he states plainly, identifying a “strategic threat window” between 2025 and 2030.

With 2025 already here, the Army has adopted a “fight tonight” mentality—focusing on maximizing current capabilities while rapidly integrating new technologies. “Do what you can with what you’ve got,” as Stuart puts it.

While awaiting delivery of capabilities from long-term programs of record, the Army is working with allies and partners, including the U.S. Army Pacific and the Australian Navy. Two years ago, they successfully deployed combat forces, including armor, to the Philippines and Indonesia as part of multinational exercises.

Innovation in Action: The Tech-Scaled Battle Group

One of the most innovative initiatives is the creation of a “tech-scaled battle group” from the first armored regiment. This unit teams soldiers with industry partners and scientists to rapidly evaluate new equipment, develop tactics, and determine what technologies should be adopted across the force.

“We learn fast,” Stuart says, describing how the battle group helps “operationalize the big idea of continual adaptation.”

Acquisition Challenge Remains

Stuart acknowledges that traditional acquisition processes remain a challenge — a sentiment shared among his counterparts from 27 nations at a recent Land Forces of the Pacific conference. “There is a stunning correlation between the challenge we all have… acquisition systems that have been designed and developed for the last wars and are not yet fit for purpose for the next.”

The Army is experimenting with new program designs that deliver capabilities in incremental “target states” rather than monolithic blocks — particularly important for rapidly evolving software systems.

Looking Ahead

As tensions in the Indo-Pacific continue, Australia’s Army transformation represents a significant shift in military thinking — one that prioritizes adaptability, joint operations, and practical capacity building over traditional force structure planning.

The next few years will test whether this approach can deliver the capabilities needed to address regional challenges. But one thing is clear: the days of comfortable, predictable military transformation are over. In the contest of adaptation that defines modern warfare, Australia is determined not to be left behind.

Featured photo: Chief of Army, Lieutenant General Simon Stuart, AO, DSC, talks with Defence Members & Family Support network volunteers at Karrakatta House in Irwin Barracks, Perth. April 16, 2025. Credit: Australian Department of Defence.

Australia’s Littoral Defense Strategy and Regional Security

For my recent book on the ADF found on the Amazon U.S. site see the following:

And in Australia from the Australian Amazon site:

An Update on the Indian-French Relationship: A May 2025 Indian Visit to Paris

06/02/2025

By Pierre Tran

Paris – An Indian all-party parliamentary delegation led by Ravi Shankar Prasad, a former law and justice minister, met the French and foreign press May 27, as part of New Delhi’s bid  to rally political and media support in a long standing conflict with Pakistan.

Those nine members of the lower and upper houses made up one of the seven delegations taking India’s message around the world, following the April 22 “terror attack” on civilians, the Indian ambassador, Sanjeev Singla, said in opening remarks.

The killing of those civilians “in the name of religion,” signalled “the menace of terrorism that emanates from Pakistan,” the senior diplomat said.

Pakistan has denied any involvement in that April attack, and called for an independent inquiry.

The high-level delegation declined to give a clear denial on whether Pakistan had downed an Indian air force Rafale fighter, while emphasising the safe return of Indian pilots after a May 6/7 night attack, striking military bases in Pakistan.

Reports from Pakistan on downing a Rafale should be taken with “a pinch of salt,” Prasad said.

Pakistan has claimed hitting the fighter built by Dassault Aviation, along with downing  Sukhoi and MiG fighters, all flown by the Indian air force on that attack against the bases. Media reports have pointed up Pakistan pilots flew the Chinese-built J-10 fighter and fired a Chinese-built long-range, air-to-air PL-15 missile, while Indian authorities have urged caution on the claims from Islamabad.

“That is operational information that will be shared, however there is an assertion without evidence,” member of parliament Priyanka Chaturvedi said. “What we have categorically said is our mission has been accomplished with regards to operations. Our pilots are back home and they’re safe,” she said.

Prasad said, “All this evidence has come from where? From Pakistan. That is our charge.

“Has any independent, verifiable evidence about the loss of Rafale come? I would urge you to take any evidence coming from Pakistan with a pinch of salt,” he said.

None of the Indian aircraft had entered Pakistan airspace, he said, and no Pakistani missile had crossed the border into India. India had a “very strong air defense system.” he said. India could also block “their air defense system.”

Possible Threats

Pakistan flies the Chinese-built JF-17 alongside the J-10 fighter, armed with the PL-15, a long-range missile.

A French source said Pakistan’s air defense included the HQ-9, a Chinese-built surface-to-air missile based on the Russian S300 weapon.

There was concern of escalation, with “huge tension,” the contact said one day before Islamabad and New Delhi agreed May 10 to a ceasefire. “Things could get worse,” which meant the loss of a Rafale was of lesser importance.

There was in 2019 a “frat kill,” the downing of an Indian air force helicopter, killing six Indian air force personnel and a civilian. An Indian officer fired the missile and shot down an Mi-17 helicopter, which led to a court martial and dismissal of the officer, The Tribune, an Indian daily, reported April 11 2023.

Strong Ties Between France and India

The Rafale was “good gear,” Prasad said. “That’s all we want to tell you.”

India and France has had strong ties since 1998, he said, and there was a strong relationship between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Emmanuel Macron.

The two nations signed in 1998 a strategic partnership agreement, which included cooperation in defense and security, civil nuclear power, and space. That pact has broadened since, to include cybersecurity, maritime security, and counter terrorism.

Asked about media reports India had requested local media to take down stories of the reported loss of the Rafale, Prasad said there were 724 domestic media outlets in English, Hindi, and local languages. That was a sign of Indian democracy, he said.

The reports of government censorship were “unfounded,” he said.

Asked about French media reports India was looking to order a further batch of 114 fighters, Prasad said there was India’s strategic partnership with France, and a “whole big horizon,” with the two nations working as partners not just on “defense gear” but other areas.

“India as a sovereign country is entitled to reinforce its weaponry systems,” he said, adding that India has become the fourth economy in the world, larger than France and England.

“That is what Indian economic might is,” he said.

The Rafale F4 was considered to be the “frontrunner” for India’s competition for 114 fighters under the air force’s multi-role fighter aircraft program, a French website, Avions Legendaires, reported May 24. There were tough negotiations on India’s request for source code to arm the Rafale with Indian-built weapons, including Astra air-to-air and Rudram air-to-ground missiles, and Sudarshan laser-guided bomb.

India has ordered 26 carrier-based Rafale for the navy, which followed a 36-strong order of the fighter for the air force. Those previous orders made the French-built jets the preferred pick, the French website reported.

The other candidates included the Boeing F-15EX Eagle II, Lockheed Martin F-21A Viper, Saab JAS 39E/F Gripen, and Sukhoi Su-57E Felon-B.

India’s No First Strike

Much reporting in those four days in May of combat referred to India and Pakistan as nuclear-capable nations, pointing up the high risk involved.

Parliamentarian MJ Akbar told the French and foreign press he would preempt any question on the use of nuclear weapons, saying India has a very clear doctrine, namely “no first use.”

“Pakistan has no such doctrine,” he said.

India’s no first strike policy carried the implicit sense that if another country did use the nuclear weapon first, “there are no commitments on our response,” he said. “However, we will not use the ultimate weapon of our own volition.”

“In the recent confrontation, we were never close to any nuclear confrontation,” he said.

The rising temperature in New Delhi could be seen with Reuters reporting May 27 India’s  defense minister approving the “framework” for building an advanced stealth fighter, with the Aeronautical Development Agency expected to seek initial interest from industry to build a prototype of a twin-engine, fifth-generation fighter.

Pakistan as a Former Client Nation

Pakistan has been a client nation for French weapons, having been an early export customer of the Daphne submarine in the mid-1960s, built by the Direction des Constructions Navales (DCN), since renamed Naval Group.

Pakistan went on to order three Agosta 90B boats, dubbed the Khalid class, in the mid-1990s. A French naval export company, Amaris, pitched in 2008 the Marlin boat in Pakistan’s competition for three diesel-electric submarines. That Marlin was based on the Franco-Spanish Scorpene boat, and included MBDA Exocet SM39 missiles. That deal did not go through.

The Pakistan air force flew French-built Mirage III and V fighters.

Meanwhile, France has sold six Scorpene boats to India, and New Delhi is expected to order three more units. Indian has effectively two air forces, one of Russian-built fighters, the other French-built, reflecting the days of its non-alignment in the Cold War. The French-built fighters include the Mirage 2000 and Rafale, and the air force seeks to replace the Sepecat Jaguar.

Conflict Story

There has been a history of armed conflict between India and Pakistan since the two nations won independence from the British Empire. The neighbouring states fought four wars after the partition of India in 1947, with conflicts in 1948, 1965, 1971 – which saw the creation of Bangladesh – and 1999, with the latter dubbed the Kargil War.

The delegation met French parliamentarians on its visit here. The MPs were due to fly on  Rome, Copenhagen, London, Brussels, and Berlin.

Pakistan is mainly a Muslim nation with a government seen as heavily swayed by the military.

India is a secular democracy, which has seen the rise of the BJP party, which promotes a Hindu nationalist approach.

The Indian government presented in April a bill to parliament seeking to change the management of large tracts of land set aside for Muslim use, seen likely to raise tension between the administration and the Muslim minority community, Reuters reported.

Modi’s campaign for election last year drew accusations of anti-Muslim sentiment when he referred to Muslims as “infiltrators,” who have “more children,” the news agency reported.

Islamist militants had been working from what the Indian ambassador said were “terrorist infrastructure” bases in Pakistan.

Those irregular fighters on April 22 killed some 26 tourists, and a local person at Pahalgam, a beauty spot in the Indian part of the Kashmir region in the Himalayas.

India retaliated on the night of May 6/7, launching attacks against some nine sites in Pakistan, leading to renewed conflict between the two states.

Islamabad and New Delhi agreed May 10 to a ceasefire.

Featured image was created by an. AI program.

10th Mountain Division Employs New Technology during Combined Resolve 25-1

U.S. Soldiers assigned to the 317th Brigade Engineer Battalion, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division, prepare and launch the Anduril Ghost X and Performance Drone Works C100D systems during exercise Combined Resolve 25-1 at the Joint Multinational Readiness Center, Hohenfels Training Area, Hohenfels, Germany, Jan. 14, 2025.

Approximately 4,000 military personnel from the U.S. and 15 European countries are participating in Combined Resolve 25-1.

HOHENFELS, BAYERN, GERMANY

01.14.2025

Video by Spc. Jennifer Posy 

5th Mobile Public Affairs Detachment