President Donald Trump has outlined a dramatic foreign policy shift during his recent address in Saudi Arabia.

The speech signals what appears to be a fundamental realignment of American priorities in the Middle East and potentially reshapes the global balance of power.

A New Vision for the Middle East

Trump’s address presented a markedly different vision for the region than those of previous administrations. “The Middle East should be known for commerce, not chaos. It should be known for technology, not terrorism,” Trump declared in one of the speech’s most memorable lines. This statement encapsulates his administration’s approach: emphasizing economic development and self-determination over Western-imposed democratization efforts.

The president positioned Saudi Arabia as the model for this transformation, praising the kingdom’s efforts to diversify beyond oil and develop what he called “a modern empirical Arabian way.”

Rather than prescribing Western solutions, Trump emphasized that each nation should “be proud of their own legacy,” essentially reinstating power within the nation-state framework.

Strategic Realignment: Saudi Arabia as “Number One Ally”

Perhaps most significantly, Trump explicitly designated Saudi Arabia as America’s “number one ally” in the region—a designation that represents a seismic shift from traditional U.S. foreign policy.

This pivot from established Western alliances to prioritizing Middle Eastern partnerships signals what Murielle Delaporte has described as a move “from Reykjavik to Riyadh.”

The address made clear that the Trump administration sees Saudi Arabia as the cornerstone of regional stability.

Trump highlighted the kingdom’s transformation and urged other nations to follow its example, particularly focusing on economic development and technological advancement rather than ideological battles.

The Iranian Question

Trump drew a sharp distinction between what he characterized as the stabilizing influence of Arab states and the destabilizing role of Iran.

While offering what he called “an olive branch” to Tehran, he simultaneously issued a warning that “repercussions will be real” if Iran continues its current policies.

In one particularly revealing moment, Trump observed:  “I have never believed in having permanent enemies. I am different than a lot of people think. I don’t like permanent enemies, but sometimes you need enemies to do the job and you have to do it right.”

This statement provides insight into Trump’s transactional approach to international relations.

Syria Policy Reversal

In one of the speech’s most concrete policy announcements, Trump declared he would lift sanctions on Syria—a decision he attributed directly to the influence of Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

In effect, he indicated that due to the role that Saudi Arabia and Turkey have played, they have changed his mind and that removing sanctions would give Syria “the best chance of success moving forward.”

This decision marks a significant departure from long-standing U.S. policy and signals the growing influence of regional powers in American decision-making regarding the Middle East.

Implications for Europe

The speech carries significant implications for Europe’s role in global affairs.

As the U.S. pivots toward Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern partners, European nations may need to recalibrate their own relationships with both America and the Middle East.

The president’s emphasis on Turkey’s role in regional negotiations suggests he may be attempting to influence European affairs through this NATO member that straddles Europe and Asia.

With Turkey’s complex relationship with the European Union—recently complicated by a EU report questioning Turkey’s prospects for accession—these developments could further reshape transatlantic relationships.

Counter to Chinese and Russian Influence

Trump’s Middle East strategy appears designed, at least in part, to counter growing Chinese and Russian influence in the region.

By offering an alternative partnership model to Gulf Cooperation Council nations, the administration seeks to prevent these countries from being drawn into what might be described as “a multi-polar authoritarian world” led by Beijing and Moscow.

A “Trump Effect” Beyond the Middle East

The president also highlighted diplomatic achievements beyond the Middle East, noting Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s successful brokering of cease-fire between India and Pakistan that helped de-escalate tensions between the nuclear-armed neighbors.

This claim, if accurate, suggests the administration’s influence extends well beyond the immediate focus of the Saudi speech.

Conclusion: A Strategic Rethink

Trump’s address represents what appears to be a fundamental rethinking of America’s strategic approach to the Middle East and global affairs more broadly.

By emphasizing commerce over conflict, nation-state sovereignty over imposed democratization, and pivoting toward Saudi Arabia as America’s primary regional ally, the president has outlined a vision that breaks significantly with decades of U.S. foreign policy orthodoxy.

Whether this approach will succeed in bringing greater stability to the troubled region remains to be seen.

However, the speech clearly signals that the traditional frameworks for understanding U.S. engagement with the Middle East—and indeed, the broader international order—may require substantial revision.

Featured photo: President Donald J. Trump addresses U.S. forces, coalition partners and Qatari citizens at Al Udeid Air Base, Qatar, May 15, 2025. This marks Trump’s first official visit to the Middle East during his second presidency. (U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Sean Moriarty).

See also the following:

Trump Outlines Vision for Middle East in Landmark Saudi Arabia Speech

U.S. Elections 2024: The Rise of the “9/11 Generation”

The paradigm shift in maritime operations involves moving away from concentrating power in capital ships to distributing capabilities across a network of assets.

Distributed Maritime Effects (DME) are the effects created by this distributed force, often independent of or supplemental to traditional capital ship operations which are increasingly focused on distributed maritime operations.

The book highlights the move from traditional capital ship-centric warfare to a distributed, kill web-enabled force. It highlights the importance of integrating autonomous systems and modular capabilities for enhanced combat effectiveness.

Distributed maritime effects will increasingly be created by the use of non-capital ship maritime assets. Air and sea autonomous systems coupled with manned air will generate a core combined capability to deliver the kinds of combat clusters which can create distributed maritime effects supplemental to or independent of the operation of capital ships themselves.

The book explores the potential of maritime autonomous systems (MAS) to deliver distributed maritime operations (DMO) effects. The book also focuses on how the legacy shipbuilding approach contrasts with innovative, modular approaches for rapidly building and deploying naval forces.

The book argues for a rethinking of maritime strategy that embraces autonomous technologies, distributed forces, and innovative acquisition models.

As LtGen (Retired) Steve Rudder notes in the forward to the book:”Dr. Robbin Laird has been leading the reporting on Unmanned Systems and Kill Webs for many years and has been producing forward thinking pieces on the evolution of autonomy. At each achievement, whether it be Ukraine, TF-59 in the Arabian Gulf, or the Australian Defence Force, his articles and books have provided a window into the future dominance of autonomous maritime systems and the journey into the Kill Web.”

“From the technology standpoint, when we talk of autonomous weapons, swarming technology and the associated approvals to employ are governed by the recently updated DOD DIRECTIVE 3000.09, AUTONOMY IN WEAPON SYSTEMS. 3000.09 requirements established in the Directive include the following: “Autonomous and semi-autonomous weapon systems will be designed to allow commanders and operators to exercise appropriate levels of human judgment over the use of force.”

“Today’s industry has the technology to field unmanned capabilities today thus we should not celebrate lengthy testing and analysis. We should embrace current technology and field systems today.”

“The possibilities are endless for unmanned surface craft and the teaming with unmanned aircraft. The capability to extend the eyes and ears of the Naval fleets and patrol contested waters requires the fielding and deployment of these vessels inside the current acquisition process.”

“These capabilities are “off the shelf” and, as Robbin appropriately states, are coming WHETHER YOU WANT IT OR NOT.”

For a podcast discussing the book, see the following:

A Paradigm Shift in Maritime Operations: Autonomous Systems and Their Impact

By Kenneth Maxwell

The three major Brazilian newspapers in their editorials had nothing good to say about Lula’s presence in Moscow for the 80th anniversary parade on Red Square celebrating the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany in WW2.

The Brazilian President and his wife, Rosângela (Janja) Lula da Silva, joined Vladimir Putin, President Xi Jinping of China, and Captain Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso, clad in his army uniform, the 35-year-old victor of a military coup in 2022, among other autocrats on the viewing stand in front of Lenin’s mausoleum.

Vladimir Putin praised his “special military operation,” that is his war against Ukraine. Afterwards at the gala dinner in the Kremlin he praised the role of the BRICS, with Dilma Rousseff, the former (and the impeached ) president of Brazil, in attendance. She is now the head of the BRICS’s development Bank, re-elected with the support of Putin, which is based in Shanghai, China.

The Estado da São Paulo said in an editorial that Lula in Moscow was a “day of infamy”.

The Folha de São Paulo said in its editorial that Lula in Moscow was “not pragmatism, only a diplomatic error .. and that in consorting with autocrats ..  Lula was not only attending the just celebration of the end of the most lethal conflict in the history of humanity, but yes, the glorification of the another actual conflict condemned by the majority of the democracies of their world, with the exception of Brazil. A war of more than three years imposed by a nuclear giant on a ex-soviet republic which has already caused a million deaths according to estimates difficult to verify.”

O Globo of Rio de Janeiro said in its editorial: “Lula in Moscow: The wrong side of history.”

Brazil had indeed participated in WW2,

But not on the eastern Front and not with the Russians. A Brazilian Expeditionary Force (FEB) had fought in Italy, as part of the U.S. military command. Brazil had provided a critical base for the United States in Natal, in the north-east of Brazil, which was absolutely critical to the supply of U.S. armed forces in North Africa, and to the support of the Soviet Union via shipments of war supplies and crated aircraft around the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and through Iran into the Soviet Union.

This despite the fascist overtones of the Brazilian dictatorial regime of Getulio Vargas and the fact that Brazil had the largest Nazi party outside of Germany, and that the chief of Vargas’s powerful secret police was a fervent German sympathizer.

Lula could well have celebrated Brazil’s participation in WW2 in Rio de Janeiro at the “Monumento aos Pracinhas” which commemorated the Brazilian war dead:  948 men killed in action. 25,900 men, including a full infantry division, liaison flight and fighter squadron was involved.

The FEB saw heavy combat at the arduous Gothic Line and during the final offensive in Europe. By the end of the war, the FEB had taken 20,573 Axis prisoners, including two generals, and almost 900 officers. The FEB served with distinction in several battles including Collecchio, Camaiore, Monte Plano, and Serchio Valley.

It would no doubt have pleased the Brazilian military, and at a time when the Supreme Court in Brasilia is considering the case of the riots in Brasilia on January 8th, 2023, when supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro (who was in Orlando, Florida at the time) had ransacked the Palácio do Planalto, the president of Brazil’s official headquarters, as well as the supreme court building, and the Congress building, in an attempt  to prevent Lula from taking office after his election to a third term, and after Lula’s lengthy imprisonment (April 2018 to November 2019) on changes of money laundering and corruption.

The Brazilian military had after all played a large role during the presidency of his predecessor, former Army captain, Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Army Generals had ruled Brazil for 21 years during the military dictatorship between 1964 and 1985. It could have been symbolic moment of national reconciliation. After all, Celso Furtado, the famous Brazilian exile, economist, and public servant, also fraught in Italy. His participation in the war against fascism was also well worth remembering.

But instead, Lula chose to be in Moscow.

The symbol of the Brazilian Expeditionary Force in Italy was a green snake smoking a pipe. Known as the “Smoking Snakes.” It became a symbol of defiance and pride for the Brazilian soldiers who proved their doubters wrong on the battlefield.

Lula received a Doutor Honorius Causa from the State University of Saint Petersburg, Vladimir Putin’s home town It is the University where Vladimir Lenin and Vladimir Putin studied. Lula’s Janja, wife went to Saint Petersburg and gave a speech on “hunger and poverty.” She is 21 years Lula’s junior and was a functionary of the Itaipu hydroelectric dam between 2005 and 2020. She famously told Elon Musk to “f..k” off.”

It is a pity Janja Lula da Silva did not have time in Saint Petersburg to look up the archives of the USSR Academy of Sciences (now the Saint Petersburg Ethnological Museum and the Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburg) which holds the records of  George von Langsdorff (Grigori Ivanovich Langsdorff) and his expeditions in Brazil. Langsdorff was the consul general of the Russian Imperial Court in Rio de Janeiro during the time the Portuguese Court, fleeing Napoleon’s  troops, had removed to Rio de Janeiro, where it remained for almost 21 years after 1808.

Langsdorff  is reported to have 1,500 descendents in Brazil, including Luma de Oliveira, a Carnaval Queen. He was evidently busily impregnating Brazilian women in addition to his duties as the  consul-general of Imperial Russia in Rio. There is a venomous coral snake named in his honor. Lula should have remembered this snake (and the emblem of the FEB) before he embarked on his visit to Putin land.

The Micrurus Langsdorffi is a very nasty reptile.

President Lula, however, was on his way to Beijing for a four-day state visit to China and to attend the fourth

Forum China-Celac, the meeting between the leaders of several major South American countries (The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States [Celac]) and Chinese representatives.

Lula has eleven ministers, top politicians, and a delegation of 150 business leaders with him in Beijing. He said on arrival that Brazil’s link with China was “indestructible.”

Colombia’s President, Gustavo Petro, said that they were not “only looking one way’ by which meant toward the U.S. Chile’s President Gabriel Boric is also in Beijing. Lula added that he could not accept “that the president of the U.S. tried to impose on the planet earth, from one day to the next.”

While he enjoys the militarily parade in Red Square and the bromides of Xi Jinping on Beijing, Lula should perhaps remember that Brazil is a democracy, and that Russia and China are decidedly not.

The meeting of BRICSs in Rio de Janeiro between 6-7 of July and the COP30 meeting in  Belém,  Pará , between 10th and 21 of November, guarantees that Lula and Brazil are set to remain center stage.

But in Rio and in Belém, Lula should remember, that the Micrurus Langsdorffi lurks in the tropical undergrowth.

The featured image is of President Lula in Moscow listening to Putin and is a screenshot from the official video of the event.

This is the follow up to an earlier article:

Brazil at the Crossroads