2015-06-09  Our partner Rivista Italiana Difesa has published an article that looks at the evolution of ISIL’s military approach and Western responses.

The article starts by noting that the military forces involved in ISIL are the “most dynamic military amalgam since the time of the French Revolution.”

Interesting enough but the article goes on to underscore that simply declaring ISIL as fanatics does not take us down the road very far to understand how they fight and how to defeat them.

The article argues that in a fundamental way ISIL is like the famous Herman the German, a former Roman legionnaire who used Roman tactics to rid the Germanic tribes of the Romans by destroying three Roman legions in 9AD.

The point the article makes is that the ISIL is anchored by war veterans of multiple wars and conflicts leveraging inherited platforms and arming them in ways to support their warfighting efforts.

The case in point is using mobile assets armed with bombs as strike platforms. 

“They are using armored vehicles, tracked and wheeled, padded with explosives with a very high potential for kinetic impact.”

The platforms being used include American, Soviet and other vehicles (Humvees. T-55s, Soviet BMPs, etc.).

The response?

The Pentagon is sending anti-tank weapons, notably the SAAB Bofors AT-4.

The weapon was developed in the 1980s by SAAB and adopted by the US Army in 1987.

The weapon can be operated by small mobile teams to kill the vehicles rather than simply forming a static defense.

In the video below the USMC demonstrates the operation of the weapon.

2015-06-04 By Robbin Laird

The Italian government promised to deliver a white paper on defense and they have done so in April 2015.

More than a decade has elapsed since the last one, and it has been a decade of rapid change.

Italy is in the cross hairs in many ways as it tries to sort out as effective a defense policy as possible.

The EU is under pressure with the Euro crisis deepening and the future of Greece uncertain within the Euro and more generally.

The ISIS battle is not a foreign policy one, but on Italy’s doorstep in Libya.

Migrants are surging from North Africa and elsewhere and creating a genuine humanitarian, economic and political crisis.

Russia has returned as a direct threat to Europe; and the Chinese as an external power has entered the Med and Europe in major ways.

The economic crisis plus high operational tempos have put real pressures upon Italian defense forces and modernization efforts.

No White Paper could “solve” these challenges; but at least it could provide some guidance or perhaps a compass to navigate the way ahead.

As Tom Kington of Defense News put at the time of the publication of the White Paper:

The paper’s strategic ambition for Italy to take a central role in Mediterranean military affairs is likely to face an early test as European leaders grapple with a military response to the thousands of migrants sailing annually from Libya to Italy and the Libya-based people who send them.

Concern over the smugglers turned to alarm on April 19, when a fishing boat loaded with about 850 migrants capsized, leaving only 24 survivors.

With Europe favoring military action to destroy the boats used by the traffickers, Italy has pitched itself as the leader of a potential operation, which could possibly use Italian drones for surveillance and Italian aircraft for strikes. But UK media reported that Britain might also suggest itself as leader of a campaign.

“With Libya back on the agenda, no one else is more familiar with the country than Italy, thanks to its relationships there,” said retired Gen. Leonardo Tricarico, a former head of the Italian Air Force and now president of the Italian Intelligence Culture and Strategic Analysis Foundation, a Rome-based think tank.

Gaining military primacy in the Mediterranean means maintaining a full spectrum of capabilities for use in the region, while sticking to coalition roles based on “plug-and-play” capabilities outside the region, the paper states.

As the authors of the White Paper indicate at the outset:

This White Paper for international security and defence provides a strategic analysis and a mid-term outlook and political guidance, in order to shape Italy’s military as to successfully tackle current and future challenges.

In an unstable and increasingly insecure international environment, Italy must take on with ever greater focus and pragmatism its security needs and be able to look beyond current contingencies while developing a wider comprehensive approach to crisis management.

As a matter of fact, Italy must closely follow those worrying drivers that mold the global scenario, and focus on developments that may jeopardize national interests, with the final aim of a direct commitment for their safeguard.

Italy bears national interests in both the Euro-Atlantic and Euro-Mediterranean regions, being these areas intertwined and essential for its security requirements.

Our proactive participation in common security and defence policies should be aimed at granting stability and ensuring defence in the Euro- Atlantic region, dissuading and deterring military aggressions and political coercion. Developing similar and effective security architectures in the Euro-Mediterranean compels Italy to make it a focus of its efforts.

Beyond these higher priority regions, the need to tackle security threats that are global in nature and to respect Italian cultural tenets enshrined in the Constitution, call for a wider involvement, under the aegis of International Organizations, in the management of international security, even if with a lower level of ambition.

A fundamental need can be therefore outlined: sharing security and defence within international institutions where Italy is a proactive player, in coherence with a true comprehensive approach. As a matter of fact, such response is, today, the only realistic solution to bolster a solid and enduring security environment in the international arena.

A major challenge facing Italy is simply that the emergence of the Euro-Med region replacing any clear security and defense demarcation between the two has become a central reality. 

The challenge is how to deal with the reality of the intersection of threats “abroad” with threats “at home.”

To gain further understanding about the White Paper and the evolving Italian approach, I did an interview with my colleague Francesco Tosato, Senior Analyst at the Rome-based Centro Studi Internazionali, in late May 2015.

Tasato is in charge of the Military Affairs Desk at the Center. He graduated in Economics at Cà Foscari University of Venice in 2008, he earned a master in Administration, Finance and Management Audit at Sole 24 Ore Business School.

Previously he was already contributor for Ce.S.I. regarding military affairs, defense industry, new procurement programs of Italian Armed Forces and analyst of foreign military systems.

At the same time, he performed different roles in the marketing area of communication agencies, international commercial enterprises and financial companies, dealing about market and competitor’s analysis, creation of marketing and communication plans, data analysis and budgeting

Question: What is the most interesting thing that came out from the White Paper, from your perspective?

Francesco Tosato: The most important thing was that we had a White Paper.  We started a process of focusing upon our defense.  We do not have the tradition of doing White Books or Papers.  It is important to get broader public informed discussion about defense.

We clearly need to rethink our armed forces up against the threats we face now.

What do we want to do in the future with our forces?

In other words, put the discussion of the future of the armed forces into the center of a public debate, which is crucial to get the kind of support we need for the modernization of the forces.

Question: As the European and Mediterranean dynamics blend together, Italy is at the center of the emergence of a new Euro-Med region.  How do you view this?

Francesco Tosato: The White Book focuses directly on what you are talking about.  We need to focus our efforts on the Euro-Mediterranean region as our key priority.

Next up is the Horn of the Africa as a key priority.

But clearly other operational demands will come up with which we will deal, but in terms of priorities, these are two the most pressing ones.

We clearly have defined our core focus in the White Book – the Euro-Med region.

Comment: The commitment to do some serious strategic thinking about the challenges in the Euro-Med region is clearly a welcome one for the allies of Italy.  We need to roll up our sleeves and work very concrete ways to work together in the region.

Francesco Tosato: We clearly need to share our responsibilities and to work with allies in dealing with the Euro-Med challenges.

But we need to take a lead role, and work closely with France and Spain, for example.

We need to reshape our forces to work in this core area of focus for our responsibilities.

We need to collaborate in terms of both NATO and the European framework.  This collaboration will be driven by bilateral or trilateral efforts, rather than by a larger European force.

Question: What building blocks does Italy have that can allow Italy to play a key role in meeting these responsibilities?

Francesco Tosato: In the White Paper, three pillars are identified. European cooperation, NATO collaboration and the UN framework are those frameworks.

With regard to industrial relationships, the White Paper focuses on the need to strengthen national technology but in alliance or collaborative frameworks.

We need to integrate into new projects and new products.

There is a clear necessity to expand pooling and sharing of forces among European allies, such as the European Transport Command or of technologies as could be the case with the new European initiative on unmanned air systems.

This new agreement could provide a way ahead for cost sharing and technological co-development among core European players.

Question: The Dutch have highlighted the importance of Italy both in terms of the F-35 program as well as training solutions.  This clearly is an example of European collaboration as well?

Francesco Tosato: The Italian Air Force and industry have very good training capabilities and the two countries are working to move ahead with joint efforts as well.

his could be a building block for shaping a European training center as well.

This is one of our technologies to share with our European and other allies in shaping a collaborative environment for the Air Forces.

This could be linked with F-35 programs and with other European states, which will not operate the F-35.

We need to work the 4^th and 5^th generation context and in which we train pilots to operate in the evolving integrated context.

This kind of collaboration can give us more capability at less cost.

Question: Clearly another question posed by the White Book was the way ahead for the Italian Forces. 

Could you clarify the approach identified?

Francesco Tosato: There is a clear focus on reshaping the structure of the Italian Armed Forces.

The forces need to become more joint, notably with regard to logistics integration. 

There needs to be an operational command created under the Chief of Defense or the CHOD.

The services will do training and readiness; the operational command will be transferred to the CHOD.

We are changing the doctrine of the Armed Forces as part of the decisions announced in the White Book.

And an additional perspective from the Italian point of view has been provided by Pietro Batacchi of Rivista Italiana Difesa.

According to Pietro Batacchi, the White Paper provides an opportunity to have a more open debate about defense which involves all the key stakeholders.

Writing as the White Paper was being worked on in 2014, Batacchi highlighted what he saw as key principles:

The central role for NATO;

The UN remains a useful forum to discuss and deal with a number of global issues;

The EU is of limited utility in shaping common action projects in defense and security and this is due to the fact that “Europe lacks a leader from a military point of view capable of guiding, coordinating and directing the other members”;

Italy can take the lead in a number of Mediterranean efforts, including as appropriate military ones.

“The Libyan crisis has shown that vital interests of Italy are not perceived as such by other European countries and this must be for our country a useful lesson and an incentive to prioritize scenarios based on our own national interests.”

With the release of the White Paper in 2015, Pietro Batacchi argued that the promise of the White Paper had been realized in two key ways.

First, the process was one in which the key stakeholders did participate, so the discussion underlying the crafting of the White Paper could become a dynamic one, energizing a 21st century approach by Italy to defense and secrutiy.

Second, the White Paper recognized the seriousness of the threats to Italy and highlighted the need to reinforce the Euro-Atlantic relationship and to prioritize the Mediterranean one.

“The Mediterranean is the priority area for the intervention of our forces and the area in which our country must be able to intervene at all levels of the operating spectrum (Regional Full Spectrum), and taking the leadership of a coalition as appropriate.

For challenges facing Italy in the evolving Euro-Med region and possible approaches to evolving capabilities see the following:

http://rt.com/news/254613-china-russia-mediterranean-navy/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/airpower-italy-europe-and-the-way-ahead-lt-general-preziosa-looks-at-the-challenges/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/a-21st-century-approach-to-airpower-the-italian-air-force-and-the-f-35/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/he-return-of-russia-and-the-challenge-to-european-defense-the-italian-contribution/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/beyond-crimean-annexation-the-russians-look-to-the-wider-mediterranean/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/connecting-the-dots-russia-shapes-a-military-infrastucture-for-influence-in-the-mediterranean/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/the-evolving-european-operational-map-cyprus-works-with-russia/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/Insertion-Forces-Front-Line-Defence.pdf

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/re-shaping-coalition-insertion-forces-bold-alligator-2014/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/bold-alligator-2014-shaping-insertion-forces-for-crisis-response/

http://sldinfo.wpstage.net/prevailing-in-21st-century-conflicts-leveraging-insertion-forces/

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2015-06-06  By Captain (Dr) Gurpreet S Khurana

New Delhi.

In comparison to the Defence White Papers published by China in the preceding years, the 2014 document is very concise.

Nonetheless, it reveals substantial content and context, disproportionate to the size of its text.

While much of the revelation is likely to be Beijing’s ‘strategic communications’, the document is nonetheless insightful.

Title of White Paper

The present White Paper has continued the trend of using a thematic title – a trend that was initiated with the 2012 document titled ‘The Diversified Employment of China’s Armed Forces’.

The trend and the specific title spelling out “China’s Military Strategy” signify the increased self-confidence of an emerging global military power, which until a few years ago, preferred to be opaque to the world on ‘matters military’.

The document also reflects an increased self-assurance as a nation, stating that “China’s comprehensive national strength, core competitiveness and risk-resistance capacity are notably increasing, and China enjoys growing international standing and influence”.

Core National Objectives

In the document, China has maintained its earlier stance of avoiding war through its military strategy of “active defence” (that envisages an ‘offensive’ only at the operational and tactical levels).

However, the document mentions “preparation for military struggle (PMS)”, which indicates its strong desire to retain the option of first use of military force, if it cannot achieve its core objectives otherwise.

Furthermore, the emphasis on “maritime PMS” indicates that these objectives pertain to Taiwan’s “reunification”, and fructification of its maritime-territorial claims in the Western Pacific.

Furthermore, the inclusion of the phase “You fight your way and I fight my way” indicates that China’s war-fighting concept to meet its core objectives is likely to be based on use of asymmetric capabilities.

Maritime Interests

The previous 2012 document stated the PLA Navy’s mandate to preserve China’s sovereignty over its territorial seas and its maritime rights and interests in ‘offshore areas’ against complex security threats, thereby portraying China as a victim or an underdog reacting to the actions of Japan, and implicitly, of the U.S.The new document, however, emphasises on a more proactive protection of its interests in ‘open waters’, thereby enlarging its strategic depth.

Notably, the document also calls upon the need to shed the mindset that peace, stability and development of China is linked to affairs on land rather than the sea.

This indicates a maritime emphasis of China’s military strategy.

With regard to the security of sea-lanes, it uses the term “strategic Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs)”. Although the term ‘SLOC’ itself bears a ‘strategic’ connotation, the addition of the adjective indicates that China’s considers itself vulnerable to commodity denial during war, thereby severely limiting its option of use of military force.

Although the document does not specifically mention the ‘Indian Ocean’, the reference to Indian Ocean SLOCs may be inferred.

Naval Presence in Indian Ocean

Alike the previous 2012 document, the 2014 White Paper states that the PLA Navy would maintain “regular combat readiness patrols…(and maintain)…military presence in relevant sea areas.”

While the former may refer to the Western Pacific, the latter is a likely reference to the Indian Ocean.

This is buttressed by the statement that the PLA Navy would “continue to carry out escort missions in the Gulf of Aden and other sea areas as required, enhance exchanges and cooperation with naval task forces of other countries, and jointly secure international SLOCs.”

This implies that China’s naval presence in the Indian Ocean would continue, and may even increase. While such presence may be primarily for undertaking ‘Military Operations Other than War’ (MOOTW), it is likely to be dovetailed with preparing for ‘wartime’ operations.

This assertion is borne out by Beijing’s assertion in September 2014 that its Song-class submarine deployed in the Indian Ocean was meant for counter-piracy mission.

(The credibility of this rationale was dismissed by naval analysts on operational grounds).

The document adds that the “PLA Navy will work to incorporate MOOTW capacity building into…PMS” thereby implying that China would also seek to develop fungible capabilities.

Furthermore, the White Paper lays emphasis on ‘sustenance’ of the forward-deployed naval platforms through “strategic prepositioning”.

This indicates that China is likely to seek overseas access facilities (if not military bases) in the Indian Ocean, or even resort to the US concept of ‘sea-basing’.

The latter possibility is supported by recent news-reports about China developing large ‘Mobile Landing Platforms’ (MLP) used by the US expeditionary forces.

Military Interface with Major Powers

The mention of Russia in the White Paper precedes all other countries.

The “exchanges and cooperation with the Russian military within the framework of the comprehensive strategic partnership…to promote military relations in more fields and at more levels” indicates the imminence of a China-Russia quasi-alliance.

The 2012 White Paper, without naming the US, had expressed a concern for its “pivot” to Asia strategy and “strengthening of its military alliances with the regional countries, leading to tensions”.

In contrast, the 2014 document mentions the US explicitly. While it does state the need for “cooperative mechanisms with the US Navy, including exchange of information in the maritime domain”, its tone and tenor indicates a precursor to a ‘Cold War-style’ military interface between the two major powers.

It talks about a “new model of military relationship” with the US based on “major-country relations”, with “strengthening of defence dialogue (and)…CBMs to include notification of major military activities (and) rules of behaviour” to prevent “air and maritime encounters…strengthen mutual trust, prevent risks and manage crises.”

However, it is yet unclear what kind of bipolar interface will eventually emerge since the current global environment marked by close China-US economic ties is vastly dissimilar to the erstwhile Cold War era.

The 2012 White Paper had mentioned India’s combined Army exercises with PLA and increased anti-piracy coordination with India. Since the 2014 document is more succinct, the lack of details is understandable.

However, the lack of even a mention of defence exchanges with India, or any other Asian country is remarkable.

Also ‘conspicuous by absence’ are the various facets of ‘transparency’ that the preceding Defence White Papers had addressed, ranging from China’s defence budget to its nuclear weapons policy of no-first use (NFU).

Evidently, China has ‘arrived’ on the world stage with a single-minded preoccupation of how it could challenge the unipolar world order dominated by the US.

The author is Executive Director, National Maritime Foundation (NMF), New Delhi.

This article was republished with permission of our partner India Strategic:

http://www.indiastrategic.in/topstories3816_China_Challenges_Unipolar_World.htm

 

2015-06-06 On June 4, 2015, Defence Minister Pinotti testified before the joint Italian House and Senate Foreign Affairs and Defence Committees with regard to the recently released White Paper.

According to a piece published on the Italian MoD website on June 4th:

The White Paper is a concrete initiative of the Ministry of Defence, aimed at providing the country with a systematic, efficient  and consistent  medium-to-long term project.

Minister Pinotti, answering today’s questions and those she was asked on 14 May (when she illustrated the Paper to the joint committees),  underscored that the project will guide the adaptation process of the Armed Forces  to the new requirements and, at the same time, raise people’s awareness level as regards defence and security being our common heritage and an indispensable condition for the development of our society.

With reference to the questions asked by 29 members of the committees, the Minister highlighted the central role of Parliament in the reform process, for both political and technical reasons.  In fact,  developing the culture of Defence among the public opinion is a goal that can be met only by the Parliament: 

“Promotion of the Defence  culture can only start from here, from the place where we must give a shared assessment of threats looming over our country  and the  tools needed to  face them.” 

The opportunity to enlarge the Defence concept to make it more inclusive as compared to other available  tools is illustrated in the White Paper, and  integrates the Government’s decisions on the reform of the Third Sector, in particular as regards the role of the civilian service.

As regards the central role of Parliament and its technical nature, the Minister added: “Many of the solutions that the Government may intend to adopt will need to be substantiated and enforced by legislative measures to be discussed by these committees and by the Parliament.”

The latter will play a central role also as regards resources: in fact, the Government has committed itself  to submit the six-year law on military investments to the parliamentary assembly.

The White Paper  “is the Government’s policy guidance tool, and its content is to be regarded as an order by the Defence administrative bodies”, the Minister added, explaining that within 6 months “ the Defence administrative bodies will have to produce legislative proposals to be submitted to the Parliament.”

As for the theme of a European common defence, evoked by various parties, the Minister agreed that “proceeding as single, isolated  countries would result in  waste of  resources and lack of interoperability.”

That’s why Italy has proposed  to establish a EUNAVFOR Med mission at European level, to be decided upon at the end of June.

Expressing the wish that a European Army be established, the Minister underscored that building a European Defence will require common industrial projects on the one hand, and “working together at operational level” on the other.

Regarding  governance, Roberta Pinotti explained that the reform process must proceed toward force integration at joint level in order to avoid duplicating roles, thus establishing  a fully joint military while safeguarding individual specificities.