Visiting Albacete Airbase: Eurofighter Operations and Support

11/18/2016

2016-11-14 By Robbin Laird

On November 2, 2016, we had a chance to visit the Spanish Air Force at their Albacete Airbase and to talk with a Eurofighter pilot as well as senior maintenance officer.

They both had worked with Eurofighter in the latest Baltic Air Patrol earlier this year.

Albacete flies a regular Quick Reaction Alert force to provide for Spanish security in the Mediterranean.

The engagement in the Baltics is in effect a QRA mission further north.

In an article published on January 11, 2016 by the Spanish Air Force, the deployment earlier this year to the Baltics, which involved our hosts, was described.

http://www.ejercitodelaire.mde.es/EA/ejercitodelaire/en/media/news/2016/content/texto_0001.html

On January 4, four Eurofighter planes took off from Albacete Air Base with Siauliai in Lithuania as their destination.

Their aim was to join the VILKAS detachment and therefore carry out surveillance missions of the air space of the Baltic Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.

In this way, NATOs commitment to the carrying out of air policing in the Baltic has been continued.

After four hours of flight and the re-fuelling of an Italian KC-767 in German airspace, the aircraft arrived without stopovers and without event at Siauliai.

Following the relief of the previous nation Hungary, the first alert service was in place within days.

Ahead, there are four months of air policing in the Baltic, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Head of Force Juan Antonio Ballesta Miñarro.

Captain Antonio Duque Polo. Credit Photo: Chloe Laird
Captain Antonio Duque Polo. Credit Photo: Chloe Laird

The 14th Wing will act as the lead nation of the assets deployed in the Baltic; specifically, of the Belgian F-16s stationed at Amari, Estonia.

Deployment of VILKAS Detachment Personnel

On January 3, the act of bidding farewell to the first relief of the Air Force personnel that will form part of the VILKAS detachment, within the framework of Operation Baltic Air Policing, took place at Albacete Air Base.

The contingent is made up of 105 military personnel, as well as one other staff member, and it belongs mainly to the 14th Wing.

It will unite with those that left from Spain with Siauliai Air Base, Lithuania, as their destination on December 27.

The objective was to reach full operative capacity on January 8.

Captain Sergio Martinez Pėrez. Credit Photo: Chloe Laird
Captain Sergio Martinez Pėrez. Credit Photo: Chloe Laird

This is the third time that the Air Force has participated in this mission. From August 1 to November 30 2006, it did so from Lithuania and as the lead nation, with four C.14 Mirage F-1s from the 14th Wing.

Later, from January 1 to May 4 2015, and with four C.16 Eurofighters from the 11th Wing, they carried out operations from Amari Air Base, Estonia. The Eurofighters from the 14th Wing will lead the missions during the first quarter of 2016: this time from Lithuania.

In total, approximately 230 personnel will form part of the detachment in the four months that the mission will last. Half way through it, a relief of crews, controllers, health workers and maintenance staff will take place.

The event was presided over by the Chief of Staff of Air Combat Command, Division General César Miguel Simón López, on behalf of the Chief of Staff of the Air Force, Air General Francisco Javier García Arnaiz. General Simón, who was accompanied by the Head of the 14th Wing and Albacete Air Base, Colonel Julio Nieto Sampayo, offered Christmas greetings to the members of the contingent and their families in the name of the Chief of Staff.

He also expressed the wish that the detachment´s tasks will pass without event.

Echoing the recent words of the President of the government, the general also reminded the attendant personnel that they are the “best ambassadors for Spain” outside of our borders.

Baltic Air Policing

“Baltic Air Policing” is a NATO mission framed within the principle of collective defence. It has as its aim the protection of the air space of the Baltic countries that lack their own resources to carry out air policing tasks.

(Also see, https://sldinfo.com/spain-takes-over-air-policing-mission-in-baltic-states/).

We had a chance to discuss this mission with Captains Antonio Duque Polo and Sergio Martinez Pėrez during our time at the base.

The 2015 mission was conducted in Estonia; the 2016 mission was done in Lithuania.

This year, the winter was especially cold and provided challenges for operations.

But another challenge was provided by the difference between the two bases.

“In Lithuania, we had two shelters from which to operate aircraft.

Obviously, given the extreme cold, we could not work on the aircraft outside, but needed to prepare them inside; the situation is different from Estonia where there are more facilities to operate our aircraft.”

Captain Duque noted that the first six weeks of the mission involved the set up by the support crews of their structure to support the Eurofighter as well as working with the back up flight crew for the mission, which was provided by the Hungarian Air Force flying Gripen fighters.

It was noted that the Spanish Air Force operated with their normal uniforms, rather than special winter gear, which added to the challenges as well.

But the Eurofighters performed well and according to Pėrez the support structure also worked well.

Eurofighter landing at Albacete Air Base During Second Line of Defense Visit. Credit Photo: Chloe Laird
Eurofighter landing at Albacete Air Base During Second Line of Defense Visit. Credit Photo: Chloe Laird

“We had a baseline established from earlier engagements to determine what we needed on the supply side for our Eurofighters.

These forecasts worked well. And with our Spanish digital logistic system we were able to order parts directly from Lithuania back to Spain to support the mission as well.”

Obvious, difficult conditions challenge any air combat asset.

A key challenge which they faced was the need to have well salted runways to operate the aircraft.

And the combat jets would kick up material from the runway into the landing gear areas and pose a challenge of diffusion of Foreign Object Debris or FOD within the aircraft.

“We worked hard on this challenge and found ways to deal with it during the mission,” commented Pėrez.

When asked about cross-talk among those Eurofighter squadrons had operated in the Baltics before them, both officers indicated that the experience of the Spanish squadron at Moron Airbase was a key baseline for them.

They also talked with German and British Eurofighter squadrons to shape their baseline for operational and support expectations.

Pėrez underscored the point that for Spain, the deployment to the Baltics was expeditionary and the support structure for Eurofighter performed well in this Baltic mission set.

After we discussed the Baltic mission, we toured the base starting with the maintenance facilities for Eurofighter at the base.

5

A simulation system is in place for training purposes.

The simulator is an excellent tool for refreshing training as well but a challenge as Eurofighter gets upgraded is to ensure that the software is upgraded in the simulator as well.

This simulator was described in a press release from Cassidian (now Airbus Defence and Space) in 2013 as follows:

A new Eurofighter flight simulator to be used by the aircrew of the 14th Wing of the Albacete Air Base has been delivered by Cassidian, adding to the two already installed at the Morón de la Frontera Air Base in Seville.

The simulator delivered is part of the ASTA advanced training system. Cassidian has been responsible for all tasks related to the installation and commissioning of this Cockpit Trainer/Interactive Pilot Station (CT/IPS-E) which, together with the Full Mission Simulator (FMS), form the ASTA.

 The 19 ASTA systems in service in five of the nations operating the Eurofighter Typhoon combat aircraft – Austria, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom – are intended for crew training.

This ranges from familiarisation with the aircraft to actual missions in highly complex tactical environments, using aircraft software code tailored to the simulator to reflect the behaviour of the aircraft and its embedded systems with a high degree of fidelity.

The simulators currently in service at the Morón de la Frontera Air Base have to date clocked up 6,500 hours of simulation including 4,800 training missions.

http://www.aero-news.net/index.cfm?do=main.textpost&id=379c7098-3065-46c3-b845-55af2cb1d8f8

With Spain having just received the latest version of Eurofighter, and with the simulator not having been upgraded, training is being done on a two seat Eurofighter which we visited as well on the base.

This version of software is what the British call their Operation Shader ready aircraft, namely the version where ground attack missions are now included in the combat envelope of the aircraft.

A good statement of the shift in capability was provided in an interview with an RAF 1 (F) squadron pilot based at RAF Lossiemouth:

“With Tranche 2, the pilot could type in the targeting information and the plane will then provide the data to execute the strike mission. This capability has been demonstrated in Operation Shader. And the targeting capability was so effective that JTACS actually were calling for the Typhoon/Paveway IV capability on a regular basis.

We had combat mass and significant strike capability which could be delivered rapidly and coalition partners quickly began to pick up on this capability.”

As he described the change in performance and its impact: “We could operate a four ship formation and strike 16 targets in one pass. We never could do that with Tranche 1.

And we provided close air support to our ground forces, and provide information to the ground forces to support their operations, with targeting information provided from the ground maneuver forces, or from our onboard sensors.”

This capability is now coming to the Spanish Air Force as earlier this year the Spanish Eurofighters have been testing their Paveway capabilities as well.

http://www.upi.com/Business_News/Security-Industry/2016/07/05/Spain-drops-first-GBU-48-from-Eurofighter-Typhoon/4941467732913/

One change which would make the simulator a more powerful weapon system for the Spanish Air Force would be to link the Eurofighter simulator in Albacete with the more powerful one at Morón Air Base.

“This would expand our capability to train for more complex scenarios as well enhance the quality of our training.”

We visited two maintenance buildings.

The first was a building where engine maintenance was going on.

The engine for the Eurofighter is as they put it: “a good news story. It is very reliable and very maintainable and a significant upgrade over the engine we had on our earlier combat aircraft, the Mirage F-1.

It is a next generation engine.”

The engine is maintained in a vertical position and the crew can replace modules on the engine for engine repair.

But the bench tests need to be done at Morón Air Base near Seville.

The 14th Wing is hoping to be able to have their own bench test capabilities so that they do not need to send repaired engines forward to Morón Air Base for final verification.

We then visited an aircraft hanger where multiple repairs were underway.

One aircraft involved was a two seat Eurofighter in for its initial major repairs; and other aircraft where going through regular maintenance inside the facility.

A key asset for the Spanish Air Force is the logistics base which is paired with the combat base at Albacete.

Here the personnel are trained to work on the range of aircraft which the Spanish Air Force flies.

“They are a key asset in keeping the force operational.

But a challenge is the aging of the workforce and to renew the workforce.”

Currently, the other key combat aircraft flown by the Spanish Air Force (the Navy flies Harriers) is the F-18. Until the arrival of the Eurofighter, the F-18 was the key combat asset.

But as the Eurofighter has matured, the F-18 role has shifted from an air superiority mission to a ground attack mission. The Spanish Air Force does not fly Tornado, so that the F-18 is moving into this role.

This year, the Spanish F-18s went to Red Flag.

“We have done a great deal of modernization on the F-18 and find a very capable compliment to the Eurofighter. And as we gain experience with Eurofighter, its role is being expanded as well.

The Baltic Air Patrol has been an important mission in this regard,” according to Captain Antonio Duque.

In short, it is clear that the Baltic Air Patrol is an important mission for expanding the capability of European air forces to shape common approaches and capabilities.

For the Eurofighter there is an opportunity as well to shape a support structure, say in Estonia, so that Eurofighter could fly to the crisis and have prepositioned support equipment.

Such a possibility could flow from a key activity, which is ongoing at Albacete, namely the Eurofighter integration effort lead by the European Air Group.

https://sldinfo.com/the-european-air-group-and-typhoon-integration-shaping-a-way-ahead-for-more-effective-operational-impacts/

As two senior officers at the European Air Group put it in an interview earlier this year:

Lt Col. Schiattioni underscored that “We managed to get the key people for each air force responsible for the standards for their national aircraft to shape a more global approach to standards.

And also important was bringing the maintainers together to share lessons learned and to shape more common maintenance procedures.”

Lt. Col. Lecube emphasized that the program has been very industry driven which meant that the operational commonality was not the center of attention.

“But at the squadron level there has been a growing interest ways to shape more operational commonality.

The Baltic patrolling was a key driver for this approach as well.

With the Spanish and the British e.g. operating together in the Baltic Air Patrol, it is crucial to operate a common SOP in such operations.”

A key achievement clearly is to shape a more common SOP for operations and maintenance which, of course, will become even more important as the Tranche 3 standard comes into play for the Eurofighter nations.

Underlying the new approach is a broad agreement reached many years ago where the seven Eurofighter nations agreed to broad ways to work together but the EAG as in other areas is focused on driving practical solutions.

Lt Col. Schiattioni added: “The sharing of information can provide a better way to underscore how each nation can pursue modernization but sort out which among the Eurofighter nations is interested in a solution generated by a particular nation.

This will allow national, bi-national approaches which can drive innovation for the larger Eurofighter enterprise.”

It is clear that the Spanish Air Force is operating under fiscal constraints, but it is also clear that the squadron leadership is working innovative ways to ensure that the optimal combat capability can be generated within those constraints.

In the slideshow above, the latest Eurofighter is seen at Albacete and is used as well for training to the new level of capabilities in the aircraft.

Editor’s Note: In this piece published by the El Pais about last year’s Baltic Air Patrol, a number of points are made about the mission.

Defense Minister: “We’re not here to create problems, we’re here to avoid them”

About 3,200 kilometers separate the Morón de la Frontera base outside Seville and the Ämari Air Base in Estonia, not to mention around 30 degrees in temperature.

Nevertheless, the Baltic republic’s brutal -15ºC weather has not hampered Spanish Eurofighter Typhoons from their duties protecting the region’s airspace. Planes from Group 11 of the Spanish Air Force have been in control of NATO’s Baltic Air Policing Mission (BAPM), based in Ämari, since January 1 and will continue there until May 4.

So far, the Eurofighters have conducted 108 patrols, clocking up nearly 200 hours of flight time. Only one flight had to be canceled because of technical problems.

“It has been better than we thought,” said Lt. Col. Enrique Fernández Ambel, who is heading the team of 115 Spanish officers of the Ambar detachment.

But the fears are real and the tension exists. NATO is concerned that the conflict may spill over from Ukraine, where the Kiev government has been fighting pro-Russian separatists.

Along the icy waters of the Baltic, two old Cold War adversaries can look directly into each others’ eyes at distances sometimes as close as 300 meters – that is how near Spanish Eurofighters have come to Russian aircraft during the interceptions that have taken place.

These testy encounters have occurred about half-a-dozen times when Russian Ilyushin and Antonov transport planes – modified for spying or electronic warfare – fly from St Petersburg to the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad Oblast, which is sandwiched between Lithuania and Poland.

Although the Russian jets have not violated Baltic airspace, they ignore international air navigation rules by not filing a flight plan, turning off their transponders so they can’t be identified, or refusing to communicate with civil aviation authorities.

The Spanish Eurofighters usually intercept and escort them under the orders of NATO’s Combined Air Operations Center (CAOC), based in Uedem, Germany.

Commander Eladio Daniel Leal said the tensest moments usually occur when the alarm goes off and “you just don’t know who you are going to encounter, or how they are going to react.”

NATO has been helping the Baltic nations patrol their airspace since 2004 as none of them has an air force of their own. Member countries take turns leading the mission.

But since the Ukraine crisis, NATO has beefed up its patrols. Besides the Spanish EF-2000s, fighter jets have also been dispatched from Italy, Poland and Belgium.

In a tense war of nerves, any wrong move can turn into a catastrophe. According to NATO figures, more than 400 interceptions of Russian planes by the Alliance’s jets occurred last year – more than double the number in 2013.

Although the Russian jets have not violated Baltic airspace, they ignore international air navigation rules

And each day the Kremlin is getting bolder. Last month, two Russian Tupolev Tu-95 bombers ventured as far as the English Channel, setting off an emergency dispatch of British and French jets.

The Norwegian government released a video that showed how an F-16 fighter nearly collided with one of the Russian bombers. But the biggest risk is that of a commercial jet getting entangled in these dangerous standoffs.

“We’re not here to create problems, but instead we’re here to avoid them,” said Spanish Defense Minister Pedro Morenés, who visited the detachment in Ämari on Wednesday.

The Spanish government is spending €9 million on having its four Eurofighters take part in the BAPM and hopes to repeat the mission next year.

http://elpais.com/elpais/2015/02/19/inenglish/1424342029_255173.html

And last year, Spanish F-18s participated in Red Flag at Nellis.

According to a story published by the US Air Force on September 2, 2016:

Since its inception in 1975, Red Flag has served as the pinnacle of air-to-air combat training for the Air Force and its allies.

For the Spanish Air Force, Red Flag 16-4 has been the perfect avenue to receive the best training for their aircrews and support personnel, as well as an avenue for overcoming unique challenges that aren’t always experienced in European exercises.

“With most of our experience coming from European exercises, we have mostly a European outlook,” said Spanish Air Force Capt. Dario Perez, an EF-18M pilot. “Working with the United States Air Force aircraft and its allies serves as a great chance to train in a non-European venue, and broaden our views.”

In order to expand their views, communication between allies can be a challenge for Spanish Air Forces, but at Red Flag this has not turned out to be a roadblock.

“As we are standardized with NATO everyone speaks the same language while we train,” said Spanish Air Force Capt. Esteve Ferran, a pilot. “With the NATO documents we use, everyone is on the same page and on the same sheet of music at all times. Like last time we were here in 2008 the exercise proved to be difficult at first, but once we got rolling it was excellent.”

Once settled in, Red Flag 16-4 offered unique trials for Spanish Air Force pilots and crews to overcome.

“While the Red Flag exercise here is similar to the exercises that we encounter in Europe, the surface-to-air threats that are part of Red Flag are top notch and always serve as a challenge,” Perez said.

While the surface-to-air threats that pilots face here at Red Flag 16-4 serve as a valuable aspect of training, they aren’t the only facet of Red Flag valuable for aircrews.

“Tactically speaking, the surface-to-air threats are top notch,” Ferran said. “Also, the ability to use live ordnance in training is something that we don’t always get access to when we participate in European exercises.”

With all of these benefits of Red Flag’s training there are also multiple challenges that aircrews have had to face.

“One of the most difficult things about this exercise has been the act of deploying all of our assets here,” Ferran said. “It has been difficult, and staging out of Nellis was the first challenge we faced. Then, the night operations of Red Flag have also been a challenge. There is a nine-hour difference between the time zones and so when we finish operations we then have briefings at 3 a.m. It gets tiring and becomes a challenge and is something that we don’t see in European exercises.”

While these challenges, coupled with the tests of the monsoon weather that Las Vegas has brought to Red Flag 16-4, have presented Spanish air force with obstacles, they haven’t stopped pilots and aircrews from overcoming them.

Taking these obstacles in stride, the Spanish Air Force has used one of the premier air-to-air exercises that the Air Force offers to gain excellent training experience for aircrews.

http://www.usafe.af.mil/News/Article-Display/Article/933393/spanish-aircrews-train-with-us-at-red-flag-16-4/

All photos are credited to Second Line of Defense (Chloe Laird) except the F-18 photos which are credited to the USAF.

The slideshow showing Typhoons during the EAG Typhoon interoperability exercise in Spain and the photos are credited to the Spanish Air Force and the European Air Group. 

 

 

European Restructuring: Shaping a Strategic Opportunity

2016-11-18 By Murielle Delaporte

The fact that crisis serve as a catalyst for needed and awaited reforms is a well-known proposition.

The triple effect of an increasing threat environment, of Brexit and now of what is widely perceived in Europe as the unpredictability of a new Trump Administration is having a clear impact on a new sense of urgency in favor of an increased European ” strategic autonomy”[1].

It is a bit too early to know if the new American administration will follow the paths of Reagan, Roosevelt or Wilson as far as his course of action towards Europe will go, but let us try to take a constructive approach based on the only concrete hints we have at this point, i.e. the few foreign policy speeches Donald Trump delivered during the campaign[2].

Two Parallel Plays In Need of Synchronization

Both America and Europe aspire to modernize post-War institutions in order to better deal with the current threats and challenges, while going back to the Founding fathers’ initial spirit.

Former SACT, General Palomeros, recently stated that this is something one owes to the upcoming generations, who need to be more involved in a debate that directly concerns them[3].

Both the old and the new continents want to optimize their expenditures to invest in better capabilities and a resilient defense industrial base via renewed R&D funding.

Both want to assess how to be more efficient and reactive if/when a crisis occurs.

Both want to avoid redundancies.

Both want to re-focus on far too long-neglected homeland security needs, including border security and cyber defense.

There is therefore clear room for leading NATO and EU modernization processes in a coordinated and non-antagonistic manner – with the help of XXIth century innovative processes and technologies -, so a true European pillar emerges at last.

If one fails in this process and decoupling and division prevail, our enemies will have won.

However, and no matter how rational this is, we all know that the devil is in the details.

So how does one restructure without “de-structuring” and reducing the mutualized pool to the lowest common denominator?

Restructuring Without “De-structuring”

One can identify many challenges in this very delicate process, but two jump out when one tries to start from scratch:

  1. How to avoid redundancies while preserving national sovereignty and, in the case of Europe, increase “strategic autonomy”?

Washington under President Trump could decide to condition its traditional support to the Alliance to a narrower definition of its national interest and to the level of reciprocity and contribution of each individual ally.

At the same time, the EU wants to increase its capabilities while avoiding redundancies with SHAPE (Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe).

If that is the case, the task is first to identify where most or all national interests intersect as the common minimum baseline and secondly see how to keep building complementary and interoperable forces.

Given the evolution of the threat which requires action as much outside one’s borders as within and given current technological breakthroughs in C2, strategic lift, platform and weapons’ range or accuracy, the question of burden-sharing is rather different than it may have been till now.

Indeed, should Allies focus resources based on priority missions based on geographic proximity, capabilities, whether the operation is territorial or overseas, or, the way it is more or less now, on an ad hoc basis?

  1. Which metrics should one use to optimize one’s defense and security investments?

If the 2% of the GDP goal set by NATO has the merit of measuring each nation’s commitment and is a simple indicator and political threshold, it does not reflect how these 2% are spent and how they actually contribute to readiness[4], since each nation has its peculiar acquisition policy and operational experience.

A business-oriented mind like Donald Trump will probably be interested in what is actually useful, efficient and cost effective.

Lessons learned might be the best way to assess NATO performance, as it is commonly done.

The same goes for the EU who seems to have decided to favor quickly-implemented solutions (via the PESCO[5] process in particular) and to start with the institutionalization of concrete success stories, such as the European Air Transport Command (EATC[6]).

council-of-europe-nov-14-2016

A Kissinger-like “small steps” policy of modernization, if well synchronized, could actually be welcome on both sides of the Atlantic, while fitting the upcoming era of American “Realpolitik” in the world affairs.

[1] See the conclusions of the EU Council, November 14th, 2016, Implementations Plan on Security and Defence (link to pdf)

[2] See the following abstract from Donald Trump’s April speech, in which he highlights five major flaws in the past decades’ US defense and foreign policies:

« America First will be the major and overriding theme of my administration. But to chart our path forward, we must first briefly take a look back. We have a lot to be proud of.

In the 1940s we saved the world. The greatest generation beat back the Nazis and Japanese imperialists. Then we saved the world again. This time, from totalitarianism and communism. The Cold War lasted for decades but, guess what, we won and we won big. Democrats and Republicans working together got Mr. Gorbachev to heed the words of President Reagan, our great president, when he said, tear down this wall.

History will not forget what he did. A very special man and president. Unfortunately, after the Cold War our foreign policy veered badly off course. We failed to develop a new vision for a new time. In fact, as time went on, our foreign policy began to make less and less sense. Logic was replaced with foolishness and arrogance, which led to one foreign policy disaster after another.

They just kept coming and coming. We went from mistakes in Iraq to Egypt to Libya, to President Obama’s line in the sand in Syria. Each of these actions have helped to throw the region into chaos and gave ISIS the space it needs to grow and prosper. (…)

Our foreign policy is a complete and total disaster. No vision. No purpose. No direction. No strategy. Today I want to identify five main weaknesses in our foreign policy.

  • First, our resources are totally over extended. (…)
  • Secondly, our allies are not paying their fair share, and I’ve been talking about this recently a lot. Our allies must contribute toward their financial, political, and human costs, have to do it, of our tremendous security burden. (…)
  • Thirdly, our friends are beginning to think they can’t depend on us.(…)
  • Fourth, our rivals no longer respect us. In fact, they’re just as confused as our allies, but in an even bigger problem is they don’t take us seriously anymore.(…)
  • Finally, America no longer has a clear understanding of our foreign policy goals. Since the end of the Cold War and the breakup of the Soviet Union, we’ve lacked a coherent foreign policy. One day, we’re bombing Libya and getting rid of a dictator to foster democracy for civilians. The next day, we’re watching the same civilians suffer while that country falls and absolutely falls apart. Lives lost, massive moneys lost. The world is a different place.

We’re a humanitarian nation, but the legacy of the Obama-Clinton interventions will be weakness, confusion and disarray, a mess. We’ve made the Middle East more unstable and chaotic than ever before. We left Christians subject to intense persecution and even genocide. (…) »

( cf: Transcript: Donald Trump’s Foreign Policy Speech, April 27th 2016, as published in >>>  http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/28/us/politics/transcript-trump-foreign-policy.html)

[3] See summary in French >>> http://operationnels.com/2016/11/14/construction-de-leurope-de-defense-puzzle-image/

[4] See on this subject: Elisabeth Braw, Can NATO Pay Up ?, http://nationalinterest.org/feature/can-nato-pay-18362

[5] See on this subject: http://www.lisbon-treaty.org/wcm/the-lisbon-treaty/protocols-annexed-to-the-treaties/673-protocol-on-permanent-structured-cooperation-established-by-article-42-of-the-treaty-on-european.html

[6] See >> http://eatc-mil.com/

The Bow Wave Effect of Trump’s Election on the French Republican Presidential Debates

2016-11-18 by Murielle Delaporte

For the very first time, the French Center and Right political parties – composed of the Republicans (LR, “Les Républicains”, the Christian Democrats (PCD) and the National Center for Self-Employed and Farmers (CNIP, Centre national des indépendants et paysans) organized this year an open primary aiming at designating the candidate for France’s 2017 Presidential elections.

French politicians (From L-R) Nicolas Sarkozy, Alain Juppe, Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, Jean-Frederic Poisson, and Francois Fillon attend the final prime-time televised debate for the French center-right presidential primary in Paris, France, November 17, 2016. REUTERS/Christphe Archambault

French politicians (From L-R) Nicolas Sarkozy, Alain Juppe, Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, Jean-Frederic Poisson, and Francois Fillon attend the final prime-time televised debate for the French center-right presidential primary in Paris, France, November 17, 2016. REUTERS/Christphe Archambault

November 17, 2016 was the third and last televised debate before the first round of elections this week-end opposing the seven candidates.

Except for the Christian Democrat Jean-Frédéric Poisson, all belong to the main stream party, LR.

The first part of the two-hour debate was about “Trump, Putin and Europe,”and the impact of the shift from “Politics as usual” triggered by by Donald Trump’s victory could be felt both in form and substance during the debates.

An Impact on Style: Putting the Media into Its Place

If each of the three debates was especially rich in content all along, the candidates tonight all wanted to talk substance.

They sought to avoid the usual media fostering of bickering among candidates to enhance personality rather than policy differences.

Several candidates interrupted the journalists – and not the other way around – in order to reorient the debate each time they felt they did not have the possibility to develop an important theme, such as Europe, or each time it would deviate from substantive issues.

This is a new trend that was widely commented in the press commentaries in the aftermath of the debate[1].

François Fillon’s message to the French people was the following: “We French are a proud people and we do not like that our choices be dictated.

So do not be afraid, on Sunday, to contradict polls and medias which had arranged everything for you.

Choose to vote for your beliefs.”

An Impact on Substance: Unleashing A New Sense of Freedom and Control

If the French candidates are like many politicians in the world  — concerned about the election in the United States–in reality it had an impact on substance which can be seen as a positive one.

A key themes was that the place of France as well as Europe’s in the world arena have to be re-thought, re-oriented and acted upon.

It is crucial to avoid a US-Russian diktat especially on Syria from which Europe is excluded.

The memory of Yalta remains for the French leadership).

The question is whether and how to work or not with Russia.

The perceived Trump impact on this question has split views among the candidates.

fench-debate

This evolution can actually mean a “new departure for France” as Nicolas Sarkozy called for, as well as a chance for Europe to actually be freer to act globally.

One of the key points made in the debate was the fact that since Turkey does not belong to the EU, Europe can be much tougher towards Turkey.

Europe does not have to be blackmailed by Erdogan using the NATO club.

The candidates all had different visions of which road Europe should take.

But they were all sharing the same view that the current mode of action is failing and that it needs to change.

The European Union cannot add any new members.

Expansion is over; and re-exmaination of current structures is urgent.

France needs to refocus on how best to work within a restructured Europe.

Several paths were proposed:

  • Reject the current European structures;
  • Keep the institutions and do not propose a referendum (otherwise France will vote for a Brexit of its own for sure), but reform them;
  • Build a European defense either through a flexible federalist cooperation approach (Sarkozy) or a rebalancing within Europe itself.

For France – which pays 25% of Europe’s military expenditures once BREXIT is implemented – there is a clear need for the rest of Europe to do much more on defense.

And France should be free to take their significantly greater defense expenditures as a credit from the re-balancing of the Maastricht 3% criteria.(Kosciusko-Morizet).

There is a clear need to focus on working with the members of the Euro Zone as a core to strengthen the European defense rather than thinking in terms of the European Union as a whole (Juppé and Fillon)

There is an urgent need to reinforce the protection of France and Europe with enhanced border and immigration control and an increase in military and security expenditures.

The French Republicans also want to implement trade taxes, but these ones would be … carbon taxes….something different clearly from a potential shift in US environmental policy under President-elect Trump.

In short, Putin and Trump are having their impact and the French are debating shaping a new way ahead. 

See abstracts of the debate by themes in French.

[1] See for instance :

With regard to the 3% Maastricht criteria, see the following:

There are five criteria set out in the Treaty of Maastricht that must be met by European countries if they wish to adopt the European Union’s single currency, the euro.

They are: 1) inflation of no more than 1.5 percentage points above the average rate of the three EU member states with the lowest inflation over the previous year.

2) A national budget deficit at or below 3 percent of gross domestic product (GDP).

3) National public debt not exceeding 60 percent of gross domestic product. A country with a higher level of debt can still adopt the euro provided its debt level is falling steadily.

4) Long-term interest rates should be no more than two percentage points above the rate in the three EU countries with the lowest inflation over the previous year.

5) The national currency is required to enter the ERM 2 exchange rate mechanism two years prior to entry.

http://glossary.reuters.com/?title=Maastricht_Criteria

Keeping Skill Sets Alive While Waiting for a Replacement Aircraft: From Nimrod to P-8

11/17/2016

2016-11-17 By Robbin Laird

On a recent visit to Norway, the UK Minister of Defence signed a new agreement with Norway to shape enhanced cooperation on maritime patrol operations. This was done in part due to the coming of the P-8 to the United Kingdom.

In the story on the UK MoD website it was noted:

Work on the UK’s MPA programme is progressing well, including the investment on infrastructure in Lossiemouth in Scotland, where the planes will be based.

Former armed forces personnel who previously served on UK Nimrod are also re-joining the RAF to help operate the future P-8s.

12 have recently re-joined and more will re-join in the future

The UK MoD retired the Nimrod in 2011; recently, the UK government announced that the P-8 was coming into the force in 2019.

The Nimrod MK2 MPA was taken out of service in 2010 with the UK accepting the capability gap until the MRA4 came into service.

https://www.gov.uk/government/news/nimrod-r1-retires-from-service

How do you maintain the skills necessary to stay in the maritime domain awareness game when your aircraft goes away?

According to the MoD, a “seed-corn” program was put in place to provide for a transition.

With the first aircraft due to arrive in the UK in 2019/2020, the RAF has been committed to maintaining the skills needed to operate these MPAs through the ‘seed-corn’ programme, which has embedded former RAF MPA operators within the MPA squadrons of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA.

Air Vice-Marshal Gerry Mayhew, who is responsible for the RAF’s fast jets and Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance assets, said:

The seed-corn initiative has been vital in ensuring that our future MPA aircrew are prepared to regenerate the UK’s MPA capability. By retaining those essential skills, our aircrew are already on the front foot when it comes to operating these new aircraft.

https://www.gov.uk/government/news/mod-seals-the-deal-on-nine-new-maritime-patrol-aircraft-to-keep-uk-safe

But doing so is not easy, and notably because the P-8 is not really a Nimrod replacement.

As Wing Commander Paul Froome put it during my April visit to RAF Lossiemouth:

“The P-8 is clearly not Nimrod.

“If we think that we’re going to take an old-fashioned air electronics operator, and use him in the same way on the P8, we’re missing a trick.

“We need to be developing the crews now to be maritime warfare operators, not electronic operators, and radar, and wet and dry, we need to be thinking bigger than that.

“The training that was already in place for the MRA4 saw more use of Link 11 and 16 and ensuring that the information flow between assets was as slick as possible. The Nimrod was used as more than an MPA spending more time supporting overland operations in the Middle East than over the sea.

“If we don’t, then you end up making problems for your F-35, your Typhoon, your P8, your Reaper, your Son of Reaper.”

https://sldinfo.com/visiting-the-tornado-transition-squadron-at-raf-lossiemouth-leveraging-the-past-and-preparing-the-future-for-the-raf/

During my June visit to RAF Lossiemouth, I had a chance to meet with a former Nimrod commander who is part of the seed corn effort, and it was clear that getting the P-8 into the force was an important step to allow the challenge of skill transition to be met successfully.

My discussion with this RAF officer from No. 602 Squadron, which is a Royal Auxiliary Air Force squadron, highlighted the transition effort.

“We are predominantly former Nimrod personnel and I spent 32 years flying in the MPA role.”

He highlighted how important NATO exercises have been to shape a transition.

Joint Warrior which this year brought various NATO aircraft to RAF Lossiemouth, including the P-8, has provided a crucial opportunity for former Nimrod operators to go onboard US and allied Maritime Patrol Aircraft to keep skill sets current.

Lossiemouth is a fast jet base; it is not yet fully set up to support larger MPA aircraft. There is a clear challenge with the decision to standup the P-8s at RAF Lossiemouth. One should note that the Nimrod base, which was located close to Lossie, was closed down and is now an Army base.

Currently, Lossie supports two large Joint Warrior exercises a year, which includes MPA aircraft at Lossie as well. The location of Lossie is important in terms of the area of interests for the UK and its allies as well.

The base is manned 24/7 for the Quick Reaction Alert capability. This provides a foundation for thinking forward towards the future MPA as well. The personnel is used to expeditionary operations as well.

The decision-making facility for MPA and the Royal Navy, more generally, is located at Northwood; and with the deployment of P-8s at Lossie will shape a new decision-making dynamic between the two centers as well.

The MPA community is very international in character; with the Joint Warrior exercises, the RAF has had an opportunity to keep skill sets current; but is not the same as flying your own aircraft.

But what this means as the P-8 comes into the RAF inventory, the broader multinational orientation built into the exercises, and the Nimrod/P-3 working relationships can be carried forward.

“We have continuously sent officers to work with our allies abroad to keep their skills current as well.

“We are well replaced to the new challenges.

“The training we have given our ex-MPA guys in flying and operations with our allies is crucial.

“This will allow us to slot in people very quickly as the P-8 becomes operational.”

“But it is a clear challenge.

As the USN’s 6th Fleet Commander put it recently, we are seeing the fourth Battle of the Atlantic take shape as the Russians take to sea once again.

For the British, making a key contribution to this effort is crucial and will be provided a new aircraft is married to the transitional “seed corn” approach.

http://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/2016-06/fourth-battle-atlantic#footnotes

The first slideshow shows the UK Minister of Defence visiting Jax Navy and seeing the P-8 first hand and is credited to the US Navy.

The second slideshow shows planes involved in the Joint Warrior Exercise earlier this year and is credited to the RAF.

Training the Final Tornado Weapons Instructors: Shaping a Way Ahead

11/16/2016

2016-11-16 By Robbin Laird

When one looks at the end of an era, in this case the sun setting on the Tornado in the RAF, one can look backwards or forwards.

Looking backwards, there is the legacy and history of the squadrons and of a core-fighting platform in the history of the RAF.

Here the plane and the crews have a distinguished record in all of the RAF operations since the plane became operational in the early 1980s.

Looking forward, the question is how the skill sets developed with the Tornado squadron’s transition forward?

In April 2016, during my visit to RAF Lossiemouth, I had a chance to talk with Wing Commander Paul Froome OC XV(R) Squadron and discussed the transition challenge with regard to the Electronic Warfare officers involved with Tornado.

Question: What will happen to the Electronic Warfare competence as the Tornados are retired?

Answer: “Good question.

“They can provide support for a number of the new platforms like F-35 and P-8.

“The RAF tends to be good at carrying forward core capabilities and sorting out how best to evolve them with new platforms coming in.

“I think we’re very good, historically, on recognizing people with those competencies, and their skill-set, and using them in the best place.”

https://sldinfo.com/visiting-the-tornado-transition-squadron-at-raf-lossiemouth-leveraging-the-past-and-preparing-the-future-for-the-raf/

And then during my visit to RAF Lossiemouth in June 2016, I had a chance to talk with a senior RAF officer who has been involved with the Tornado for many years, and in the training of weapons officers for this venerable and very successful weapons platform.

Currently, he is involved in training the last weapons instructors for the Tornado, which raises some key questions about what they need to learn for the projected operations, and what do they need to take away for the future as they move to other platforms and other responsibilities.

A key question facing the sunset of any platform is the legacy going forward as those who are operating the platform towards the end move on.

What is the operational “technology transfer” as weapons officers move to other combat platforms, or senior staff positions?

The final group of weapons officers will finish in November 2016 and then be with the program until it is ended in 2 ½ years.

“What do I train these guys to do in light of that?”

On the one hand, clearly the core skill sets of a Tornado weapons officer need to be maintained for the most likely operational scenario, namely, to provide support to the ground forces in uncontested airspace.

“We need to train to the basic skill sets one sees necessary in something like Operation Shader.”

Skill sets to deliver weapons on target in a permissive environment but where low collateral damage is expected has become the core skill set, which needs to be delivered.

Yet is clear that the airpower equation is changing and the anticipation is that both the F-35 and the Typhoon will be operating in more contested environments and yet providing support to the ground forces or to the ground maneuver element.

Training of the final Tornado weapons officer’s needs to take this transition into account as well.

“I would expect several of our weapons officers to transition to Typhoon or F-35 as well.

So it is about performing in anticipated Tornado missions but shaping a mentality that is very much about transition as well.”

Put in other terms, it is not about dumbing down the skill set, but opening a broader aperture to the higher end skill sets.

“It is not just about preparing the guys for what they are most likely to see in the next couple of years, but thinking about the higher end challenges as well.

We can focus on some skill sets we shaped earlier in a more contested environment, and bring those back in the training process going forward as well.”

He also argued that the shift in the Typhoon community towards a ground support role is seeing that community informed by the RAF experience in the Harrier and Tornado communities.

The culture and training focus for close air support or support to a ground maneuver force is different from the classic Typhoon training, and bringing forward some of the training skill set in the Tornado community is part of the Typhoon transition itself.

In short, as the Tornado era closes, a number of the skill sets will be carried forward into the fighter transitions involving Typhoon and F-35  and with the P-8 into the maritime domain awareness strike community.

The slideshow highlights Tornados at Lossie and the photos are credited to the RAF.

Valdai Conference Insights on Russia’s Political and Economic Development

2016-11-16 By Richard Weitz

Although the Valdai Conference’s major panels focused on globalization and its discontents, in the closed sessions the Russian officials mainly addressed Russia’s political and economic situation.

Valdai Discussion Club

They were generally optimistic about the country’s political stability, but were divided over its whether Russia could overcome its major domestic and foreign economic challenges.

According to the official line, under President Vladimir Putin’s guidance, the Russian political system has become more competitive, representative, transparent, fair, and effective. In contrast, critics described the recent parliamentary elections as flawed as previous ballots and attributed the lack of popular protests to political apathy rather than mass approval.

Although one legislative leader said that the Russian Duma has become more important, he reaffirmed the slogan, “No Putin, no Russia,” stressing that Russia has a presidential system with an indispensable political leader who has successful surmounted past economic and political challenges and was expected to do likewise in the future.

At Valdai, Putin turned aside the opportunity to discuss his future plans at the final public session, declining to comment on his retirement plans or his place in Russian history. Most experts at the conference expected him to run for reelection in March 2018.

Russian officials who spoke in the closed sessions believed the Russian economy could thrive without the political system’s transformation, citing the examples of Singapore and China.

A former Russian official, however, argued that the Russian government’s constraints on civil society were seriously constraining the country’s economic and political development.

In response to a question from the audience, a current Russian political leader denied that Russia now had a “Kamikaze Duma”—one that would have to take unpopular steps like pension reform, increasing the retirement age, cutting education and health, increasing taxes, and redistributing money from the regions in order to maintain the president’s popularity when he runs for reelection in 2018.

Russian officials insisted that even potentially controversial decisions, such as the planned rise in the age eligibility of pensions, would not have any negative social consequences—an implicit reference to mass public protests in 2011 and 2012.

In another session, Russian speakers spoke optimistically of the Skolkovo Innovation Center; a $3-billion science and technology entrepreneurial center near Moscow.

The government’s aim has been to use administrative and regulatory reforms as well as targeted financial assistance to promote high-tech startups. The projects would then ideally commercialize Russian applied technological and scientific achievements in the information, energy, nuclear, biotechnology, and outer space sectors.

The Massachusetts Institute of Technology has been helping develop research, education, and entrepreneurship programs at the Center’s new graduate training organization, the Skolkovo Institute of Science and Technology (“Skoltech”).

Yet, various impediments have kept Russia from emulating California’s “Silicon Valley,” despite the earnest engagement of Russian and foreign scientists.

These have included reduced government funding, the annulment of some regulatory waivers, the failure to enact the base law on technological parks for existing universities, the departure of some startups from Russia, and anti-corruption concerns that have disrupted various initiatives.

Skoltech has become operational but still lacks a university campus at the site, whose opening is now scheduled for September 2017.

Valdai Conference Panel. Credit Valdai Discussion Club
Valdai Conference Panel. Credit Russia Today

Russian officials disputed contentions that insufficient government support had limited the planned growth of the small and medium-sized businesses in the economy.

However, they confirmed that some small businesses believe they have to partner with larger state-owned corporations to access certain government resources.

As one observed, “businesses feel like they should depend on the administrative connections rather than the quality of the products.”

However, one Russian speaker recognized that for innovation to prosper, his country needed a stronger private sector and more opportunities for the “creative sector.” He calculated that the Russian state was investing more in its technological development than many foreign governments, including Japan and Canada, but that these countries private sectors generated many more technological advances than Russia.

The senior Russian officials who spoke at Valdai downplayed Russian corruption concerns, arguing that government policies had reduced corruption over time.

They claimed that, “Our anti-corruption legislature and practices are far more advanced” than before and in other former Soviet republics like Ukraine. For example, they stated that new regulations and legislation made it easier to start a business without having to pay bribes to government officials and provides better safeguards against conflicts of interests.

The officials said no government plans exist to make major changes in the Russian tax system before 2018, except for some possible increases in excise taxes on tobacco and alcohol (partly for health reasons) as well as additional taxes on the oil and gas sector. They are currently debating whether to adopt a more progressive tax system in the future.

They said they wanted to avoid making major cuts in government spending and hoped that the privatization of state corporations such as Rosneft, anti-monopoly legislation, and further deregulation of private industry would generate enough economic resources to sustain high employment, restore national economic growth, and avoid depleting the government’s major reserve funds.

In practice, the privatization process has proven controversial. Some observers question its wisdom or, conversely, claim that large corporations will still be subjected to substantial indirect Russian state control. Even if successful, this privatization would lead to only short-term debt relief as the state assets are sold off; the country needs long-term growth to boost public revenue and private income.

A return to high oil prices would also solve this problem, but most Russian officials cautioned against relying on being too optimistic, saying it was prudent to plan on low oil and gas prices for the indefinite future.

As for the international economy, the Russian officials said that they were being proactive in seeking foreign markets and remained open to participation in principle in regional trade agreements. They also planned to continue allowing the ruble to float freely on international exchange markets, with the Central Bank prepared to intervene in an emergency if required.

Some Russians implied that the government hoped that its deeper integration into Eurasia and East Asia would compensate for Moscow’s constrained economic ties with the West.

Still, they insisted that Russia wanted “to reach a balance” and saw “no real obstacles to our collaboration apart from current sanctions.” Although the sanctions “violated…cooperation and mutual understanding,” Russians remain open to future economic collaboration with the West based on mutual interest and reciprocity.

One Russian speaker correctly observed that continued progress in diversifying Russian exports beyond energy commodities would help reduce the ruble’s volatility.

He also cautioned that Russia’s demographic challenges could become more serious in some areas due to the incoming migration of Russians from other countries that had helped compensate for the declining number of working age people in Russia.

Editor’s Note: About the Valdai Conference

The Valdai Discussion Club was established in 2004. It is named after Lake Valdai, which is located close to Veliky Novgorod, where the Club’s first meeting took place.

The Club aims to promote dialogue of Russian and international intellectual elites and to deliver independent objective scholarly analysis of political, economic, and social developments in Russia and the world.

The intellectual potential of the Valdai Discussion Club is highly regarded both in Russia and abroad. More than 1,000 representatives of the international scholarly community from 63 countries have taken part in the Club’s work. They include professors from major world universities and think tanks, including Harvard, Columbia, Georgetown, Stanford, Carleton Universities, the University of London, Cairo University, the University of Tehran, East China University, the University of Tokyo, Tel Aviv University, the University of Messina, Johns Hopkins University, the London School of Economics, King’s College London, Sciences Po and the Sorbonne.

The Valdai Club’s regional programmes, the Asian, Mid-Eastern and Euro-Atlantic Dialogues, have drawn considerable attention from the international expert community. The Club holds a special session at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum.

The Club’s meetings have been attended by many leading politicians, experts, public figures and cultural figures from Russia and other countries. Russian participants have included Sergei Ivanov, Chief of Staff of the Presidential Executive Office (2011-2016); Vyacheslav Volodin, First Deputy Chief of Staff of the Presidential Executive Office; Dmitry Medvedev, Prime Minister (attended as President of Russia in 2008–2012); Igor Shuvalov, First Deputy Prime Minister; Sergei Lavrov, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Sergei Shoigu, Defence Minister; Sergei Sobyanin, Mayor of Moscow, and others. Foreign guests have included Wolfgang Schьssel, Chancellor of Austria (2000–2007); Romano Prodi, Prime Minister of Italy (1996–1998, 2006–2008); Dominique de Villepin, Prime Minister of France (2005–2007); Mustafa Barghouti, General Secretary of the Palestine National Initiative; Volker Rьhe, German Defence Minister (1992–1998); Franзois Fillon, Prime Minister of France (2007–2012); Krzysztof Zanussi, Polish film and theatre director and producer; Shlomo Ben Ami, Israeli Foreign Minister (2000–2001) and Security Minister (1999–2001); Franco Frattini, Italian Foreign Minister (2008–2011); Robert Skidelsky, Member of the British House of Lords; Jбn Čarnogurskэ, Prime Minister of Slovakia (1991–1992); Vбclav Klaus, President of the Czech Republic (2003–2013) and many others.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has met with the participants of the Valdai Club’s annual meetings every year since its founding.

In 2014 the Club moved away from the format of “telling the world about Russia” to practical work aimed at forming the global agenda and delivering a qualified and objective assessment of global political and economic issues. One of its main objectives is to promote dialogue within the global intellectual elite in order to find solutions to overcome the current global crisis.

The Club actively collaborates with opinion makers across various fields, including international relations, global politics, economics, security, energy, sociology, communications, and so on.

The non-profit Foundation for Development and Support of the Valdai Discussion Club was established in 2011 with a view to expanding its activities to new areas, including research and outreach work, regional and thematic programmes. In 2014 the Foundation assumed all responsibility for management of the Club’s projects. 

The Foundation’s founders are the Council on Foreign and Defence Policy (CFDP), non-profit partnership Russian International Affairs Council, the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University) of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MGIMO), and the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE).

The Board of the Foundation is responsible for the Foundation’s affairs. The Board is chaired by Andrey Bystritskiy, renowned Russian media manager, author of articles and publications, and media and communications researcher. Fyodor Lukyanov, well-known Russian international relations and foreign affairs expert and editor-in-chief of the “Russia in Global Affairs” journal, is the Academic Director of the Foundation. The Foundation’s day-to-day operations are managed by Executive Director Nadezhda Lavrentieva, Honoured Economist of the Russian Federation, and former top manager at major Russian media outlets.

http://valdaiclub.com/about/valdai/

UK, France and Denmark Step Up Efforts for European Allies

2016-11-16 According to a story published October 26, 2016 by the UK Ministry of Defence, the UK is stepping up its support for allies in Europe in the face of a more assertive Russia.

The Defence Secretary said that the UK will commit RAF Typhoon aircraft to the NATO Southern Air Policing mission to offer reassurance to the Black Sea allies. Deployed from RAF Coningsby, the Typhoons will be based at Mihail Kogălniceanu Airbase, Romania, for up to four months in 2017.

Following July’s decision that the UK will deliver one of four battalions to NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence in the Baltic States and Poland, Mr Fallon confirmed the UK will be sending 800 personnel to Estonia, with France and Denmark contributing further troops.

 Defence Secretary Michael Fallon speaks to the press ahead of NATO's meeting of Defence Ministers, 26 October. Credit: UK MoD
Defence Secretary Michael Fallon speaks to the press ahead of NATO’s meeting of Defence Ministers, 26 October. Credit: UK MoD

The deployment is likely to include armoured Infantry, equipped with Warrior armoured fighting vehicles, tactical UAVs, and a troop of our Challenger 2 Main Battle Tanks. Detailed planning with our Estonian hosts is well under way and the first deployments are expected to begin in May next year.

Defence Secretary Michael Fallon said:

Backed by a rising defence budget this deployment of air, land and sea forces shows that we will continue to play a leading role in NATO, supporting the defence and security of our allies from the north to the south of the alliance.

At the Ministerial meeting, the Defence Secretary also welcomed the signing of UK’s Instrument of Acceptance for Montenegro to join NATO – making the UK the first major ally to complete the process.

The announcement comes after the Defence Secretary confirmed at the weekend that the UK will deploy a 28-strong team to Kosovo for a year. This increase to our contribution to the KFOR Mission, NATO’s largest operation, will help to maintain a safe and secure environment for all communities in Kosovo. The UK deployment will also provide reassurance in the Western Balkan region from early 2017.

Backed by a £178 billion equipment plan and defence budget rising in real terms for the rest of this parliament, the UK is one of several countries that meets the NATO 2% spending target.

https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-steps-up-measures-to-reassure-european-allies

 

Enhancing Northern Tier Defense: The UK and Norway Prepare for the Coming of the P-8

2016-11-16 According to a story on the UK Ministry of Defence website, the UK and Norway have agreed on new cooperation on Maritime Patrol Aircraft.

With the coming of the P-8 to the RAF, the UK MoD is looking to ways to enhance its impact on defense in the North Sea and beyond.

Sir Michael, who visited Norway’s top military headquarters, close to the Arctic Circle on Thursday, announced that the UK and Norway would work closer on Maritime Patrol Aircraft cooperation, including in reducing costs and increasing operational effectiveness.

The UK announced that it would procure nine Boeing P8 MPA in last year’s Strategic Defence and Security Review.

The new capability, which will be based in Scotland, will allow for enhanced situational awareness in key areas such as the North Atlantic, and will also further increase the protection of the UK’s nuclear deterrent and our two new aircraft carriers.

Sir Michael also visited Norway’s Bodø Main Air Station, home of two F-16 squadrons and a squadron of Search and Rescue Sea King helicopters, where he signed a new agreement on host nation support for UK exercises in the country, further increasing the UK and Norway’s ability to exercise, train and operate together.

Mr Fallon welcomed the fact that British armed forces undertake yearly winter training in Norway, particularly 3 Commando Brigade in Harstad and Evenes and elements of Joint Helicopter Command at Bardufoss.

The Defence Secretary boards a Norwegian Maritime Patrol Aircraft with his counterpart, Ine Marie Eriksen Søreide. Credit: Norwegian Armed Forces
The Defence Secretary boards a Norwegian Maritime Patrol Aircraft with his counterpart, Ine Marie Eriksen Søreide. Credit: Norwegian Armed Forces

Defence Secretary Sir Michael Fallon said:

Britain needs Maritime Patrol Aircraft to keep watch over the seas.

As part of our £178 billion defence equipment programme, we’ve committed to new maritime patrol aircraft that are able to monitor threats to Britain and our armed forces.

By stepping up cooperation with Norway on maritime patrol, we will help keep Britain safer and more secure.

The Defence Secretary arrived in Norway following meetings with the Northern Group countries on Wednesday in Copenhagen, where he reaffirmed the UK’s commitment to European defence.

As part of this, the Defence Secretary announced that 5 Battalion The Rifles would lead the UK’s battalion in Estonia next year, part of NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence in the East.

Work on the UK’s MPA programme is progressing well, including the investment on infrastructure in Lossiemouth in Scotland, where the planes will be based.

Former armed forces personnel who previously served on UK Nimrod are also re-joining the RAF to help operate the future P-8s.

12 have recently re-joined and more will re-join in the future

 https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-and-norway-agree-new-cooperation-on-maritime-patrol-aircraft

And the Norwegian Ministry of Defence website added this with a November 10, 2016 article with regard to the Northern Headquarters’ Conference conducted at the 8-9 November meetings at the Norwegian Joint Headquarters in Bodø, Norway:

As a security forum for operational-level headquarters within the Joint Force Command Brunssum (JFCBS) Area of Responsibility (AOR) in the north-eastern part of the Alliance, the forum enables Commanders from NATO and partner nations to discuss areas of common regional interest, and to raise NATO’s profile within, and on the periphery, of Alliance territories.

In his opening remarks, General Salvatore Farina, Commander JFC Brunssum, emphasized the opportunity to discuss operational challenges, and to find practical solutions focusing on our area of responsibility “where we are working closely together”.  

He thanked Lieutenant General Rune Jakobsen, Commander of the Norwegian Joint Headquarters, for his hospitality, and expressed his appreciation for the close links to NATO’s partners from Finland and Sweden – “who have a significant contribution to make to security in the strategically important northern region”, Farina added.

With the outcomes of the Warsaw Summit fresh in everyone’s minds, this year’s event was an ideal platform to discuss selected outcomes affecting the AOR, to focus on NATO’s High North and parts of the long term Adaptation Measures of the Readiness Action Plan, including the Very High Readiness Joint Task Force (VJTF), NATO Force Integration Units (NFIU) and the establishment of an enhanced forward presence in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland in early 2017.  

General Farina underlined the important role of the Multi National Corps North-East, Stettin, Poland, in implementing and conducting the enhanced forward presence drawing upon its expertise in land operations.

 https://forsvaret.no/en/newsroom/news-stories/third-northern-headquarters-conference-takes-place-in-norway

About Europe’s Northern Group:

By Elisabeth Braw, June 11, 2015

Under ordinary circumstances, the Northern Group would hardly be headline news. The association of northern European countries holds regular ministerial meetings, strategic meetings, and expert-level meetings, but so do many other intergovernmental outfits. Lately, though, Russian analysts have been watching this very vanilla-sounding Nordic association carefully.

That’s because while its member states may consider themselves very peaceful indeed, the five-year-old Northern Group is a military alliance. Take a look at the group’s members: Britain, Poland, Germany, the Netherlands, the Nordic states, the Baltic states. Only two countries in this 11-strong congregation are not NATO members: Sweden and Finland. And there they are, collaborating with their northern neighbors on defense issues and participating in talks held by the Northern Group’s NATO members.

“The Northern Group provides a key platform to help shape and deliver Europe’s and NATO’s response to the security implications of Russia’s indefensible actions in Ukraine and whose incursions of European air and sea space have increased,” Britain’s defense secretary, Michael Fallon, said ahead of the group’s meeting in November last year, at which point annual air incursions into the members’ territory had reached 100—three times as many as during all of 2013. Not bad for an alliance conceived by then Defense Secretary Liam Fox essentially to keep Britain engaged with its NATO allies.

Sure, the Northern Group is hardly essential to its members who also belong to NATO. It’s a complement, not an alternative, said Norwegian State Secretary Roger Ingebrigtsen at an earlier meeting. But for Sweden and Finland, who are still vacillating about NATO membership, it provides a convenient partial solution that, handily enough, doesn’t require a major political debate.

Though Finland’s new government has said that it will conduct a study on NATO membership, the step in no way indicates that Finland will eventually apply to become a member.

Besides, it would have to join with Sweden, whose government has not embarked on a similar fact-finding mission, though in April it announced that it wants to strengthen cooperation with NATO. Even if the pair would apply for NATO membership, it would be a long process before they formally joined.

By contrast, Sweden and Finland are already full members of the Northern Group.

That’s good news as far as their defense capabilities are concerned, one might argue. But it’s no surprise that Russian officials suspect the group of really being a mini-NATO. And the Russian military correctly judges that in a crisis situation, NATO would come to Sweden and Finland’s aid.

http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/blog/elisabeth-braw/europe%E2%80%99s-northern-group

The slideshow shows the Minister of Defence visiting Jax Navy last year and the photos are credited to the US Navy.